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Who was our first president of the united states


who was our first president of the united states

The election took place following the ratification of the United States Constitution in 1788. In this election, George Washington was elected for the first of. On April 21, 1789, John Adams, the first vice president of the United States, began his duties as president of the Senate. Adams's role in the. Presidents who switched VPs halfway through their presidencies, to seeing a U.S. president run with the same vice president when seeking re-election.
who was our first president of the united states

Who was our first president of the united states -

Washington's Birthday, also known as Presidents' Day, is a federal holiday held on the third Monday of February. The day honors presidents of the United States, including George Washington, the USA's first president.

Is Presidents' Day a Public Holiday?

Presidents' Day is a public holiday in most US states. Nonetheless, many businesses are open as usual and many stores hold sales on Washington's Birthday. Many delivery services, except for the Post Office, have a regular service and many, but not all, public transit systems operate on regular schedules. Some schools close for the whole week for a mid-winter recess. According to some government sources, Indiana observes the Washington's birthday holiday in December.

What Do People Do?

Washington's Birthday officially honors the life and work of George Washington, the first president of the United States. The day commemorates past presidents of the USA. Washington's Birthday is sometimes known as Presidents' Day. This is because while most states have adopted Washington's Birthday, some states officially celebrate Presidents' Day.

Some states pay particular attention to Abraham Lincoln, as his birthday was also in mid-February. In the weeks or days leading up to the holiday, schools often organize events and lessons for students about the presidents of the United States and George Washington in particular. It is a popular day for stores to start their sales.

The US federal holiday is on the third Monday of February each year, but records show that George Washington's birthday is on February 22.

Long Weekend

Since Presidents' Day falls on Monday, it is one of the public holidays in the United States that always create a long weekend.

Background

George Washington was the first president of the United States of America. His first term as president was from 1789 to 1793 and his second term from 1793 to 1797. Before he became president, he played important roles in the military, leading the American Continental Army to victory over the British in 1783. Washington is often seen as the father of the United States and is probably the best known American politician ever.

The likeness and name of George Washington can still be seen in many places in the United States. There is the portrait of him and three other American presidents carved into Mount Rushmore National Memorial in South Dakota. His image is also used on the one-dollar bill and the quarter-dollar coin. The capital of the United States, Washington D.C., Washington State and at least three universities are named after him.

Washington's Birthday was first celebrated as a holiday in the District of Columbia in 1880. It was made a federal holiday in 1885. The holiday was originally held on the anniversary of George Washington's birth, on February 22. In 1971, this holiday was moved to the third Monday in February.

This holiday is legally designated as "Washington’s Birthday". Though other institutions such as state and local governments and private businesses may use other names, it is the federal government’s policy to always refer to holidays by the names designated in the law.

Presidents' Day Observances

While we diligently research and update our holiday dates, some of the information in the table above may be preliminary. If you find an error, please let us know.

Источник: https://www.timeanddate.com/holidays/us/washington-birthday

On April 21, 1789, John Adams, the first vice president of the United States, began his duties as president of the Senate. Adams's role in the administration of George Washington was sharply constrained by the constitutional limits on the vice presidency and his own reluctance to encroach upon executive prerogative. He enjoyed a cordial but distant relationship with President Washington, who sought his advice on occasion but relied primarily on the cabinet. Adams played a more active role in the Senate, however, particularly during his first term.

As president of the Senate, Adams cast 29 tie-breaking votes. His votes protected the president's sole authority over the removal of appointees, influenced the location of the national capital, and prevented war with Great Britain. On at least one occasion he persuaded senators to vote against legislation that he opposed, and he frequently lectured the Senate on procedural and policy matters. Adams's political views and his active role in the Senate made him a natural target for critics of the Washington administration. Toward the end of his first term, he began to exercise more restraint in the hope of realizing the goal shared by many of his successors: election in his own right as president of the United States

A Family Tradition of Public Service

John Adams was born in Braintree, Massachusetts, on October 19, 1735, into a family with an established tradition of public service. As a child, he attended town meetings with his father, who was at various times a militia officer, a deacon and tithe collector of the local congregation, and selectman for the town of Braintree. Determined that his namesake attend Harvard College, the elder Adams sent young John to a local "dame" school and later to Joseph Cleverly's Latin school. Adams was an indifferent student until the age of 14, when he withdrew from the Latin school to prepare for college with a private tutor, "Mr. Marsh." Adams entered Harvard College in 1751 and plunged into a rigorous course of study. After his graduation in 1755, he accepted a position as Latin master of the Worcester, Massachusetts, Grammar School. The following year, finding himself "irresistibly impelled" toward a legal career, Adams apprenticed himself to James Putnam, a local attorney. He continued to teach school while reading law at night until his admission to the Boston Superior Court bar on November 6, 1758.

His legal studies completed, Adams returned to Braintree to establish his legal practice, which grew slowly. In the spring of 1761, on the death of his father, Adams inherited the family farm—a bequest that enabled him, as a "freeholder" with a tangible interest in the community, to take an active part in town meetings. He served on several local committees and led a crusade to require professional certification of practitioners before the local courts. In February 1761, on one of his regular trips to Boston to attend the Court of Common Pleas, Adams observed James Otis's arguments against the writs of assistance before the Massachusetts Supreme Court. Adams recalled in later years that Otis's impassioned oratory against these general search and seizure warrants convinced Adams that England and the colonies had been "brought to a Collision," and left him "ready to take arms" against the writs. However, Adams's political career remained limited to local concerns for several more years until 1765, when he played a crucial role in formulating Massachusetts's response to the Stamp Act.

A Lawyer and a Legislator

As a member of the town meeting, Adams drafted instructions for the Braintree delegate to the Massachusetts provincial assembly, known as the General Court, which met in October 1765 to formulate the colony's response to the Stamp Act. Adams's rationale, that the colonies could not be taxed by a parliament in which they were not represented, and that the stamp tax was "inconsistent with the spirit of the common law and of the essential fundamental principles of the British constitution," soon appeared in the Massachusetts Gazette and Boston News Letter. His cousin, Samuel Adams, incorporated John's argument in the instructions that he drafted for the Boston delegates, and other towns adopted the same stance.

With the repeal of the Stamp Act, Adams focused his energies on building his law practice and attending to the demands of the growing family that followed from his marriage to Abigail Smith in 1764. Finding few opportunities for a struggling young attorney in Braintree, the young family moved in 1768 to Boston, where John's practice flourished. Adams soon found himself an active participant in the local resistance to British authority as a consequence of his defense of John Hancock before the vice admiralty court for customs duty violations. He argued in Hancock's defense that the Parliament could not tax the colonies without their express consent and added the charge, soon to become a part of the revolutionary rhetoric, that the vice-admiralty courts violated the colonists' rights as Englishmen to trial by jury. Although the crown eventually withdrew the charges against Hancock, Adams continued his assault on the vice-admiralty courts in the instructions he wrote for the Boston general court representatives in 1768 and 1769.

Adams subsequently agreed to defend the British soldiers who fired upon the Boston mob during the spring of 1770. His able and dispassionate argument on behalf of the defendants in the Boston massacre case won his clients' acquittal, as well as his election to a brief term in the Massachusetts assembly, where he was one of Governor Thomas Hutchinson's most vocal opponents. The enmity was mutual; when the general court elected Adams to the Massachusetts council, or upper house, in 1773, the governor denied Adams his seat. The general court reelected Adams the following year, but Hutchinson's successor, Thomas Gage, again prevented him from serving on the council. The general court subsequently elected Adams to the first and second Continental congresses. Although initially reluctant to press for immediate armed resistance, Adams consistently denied Parliament's right to regulate the internal affairs of the colonies, a position he elaborated in a series of 13 newspaper essays published under the name "Novanglus" during the winter and spring of 1775. Like Adams's other political writings, the Novanglus essays set forth his tenets in rambling and disjointed fashion, but their primary focus—the fundamental rights of the colonists—was clear.

An Architect of Independence

An avowed supporter of independence in the second Continental Congress, Adams was a member of the committee that prepared the Declaration of Independence. Although Thomas Jefferson of Virginia composed the committee draft, Adams's contribution was no less important. As Jefferson later acknowledged, Adams was the Declaration's "pillar of support on the floor of Congress, its ablest advocate and defender." New Jersey delegate Richard Stockton and others styled Adams "the 'Atlas' of independence." Adams further served the cause of independence as chairman of the Board of War and Ordnance. Congress assigned to the board the onerous tasks of recruiting, provisioning, and dispatching a continental army; as chairman, Adams coordinated this Herculean effort until the winter of 1777, when Congress appointed him to replace Silas Deane as commissioner to the Court of Paris.

Adams served as commissioner until the spring of 1779. On his return to Massachusetts, he represented Braintree in the state constitutional convention. The convention asked him to draft a model constitution, which it adopted with amendments in 1780. Adams's model provided for the three branches of government—executive, legislative, and judicial—that were ultimately incorporated into the United States Constitution, and it vested strong powers in the executive. "His Excellency," as the governor was to be addressed, was given an absolute veto over the legislature and sole power to appoint officers of the militia. Throughout his life, Adams was an advocate of a strong executive. He believed that only a stable government could preserve social order and protect the liberties of the people. His studies of classical antiquity convinced him that republican government was inherently vulnerable to corruption and inevitably harbored "a never-failing passion for tyranny" unless balanced by a stabilizing force. In 1780 Adams considered a strong executive sufficient to achieve this end. In later years, he grew so fearful of the "corruption" he discerned in popular elections that he suggested more drastic alternatives—a hereditary senate and a hereditary executive—which his opponents saw as evidence of his antidemocratic, "monarchist" intent.

Before the Massachusetts convention began its deliberations over Adams's draft, Congress appointed him minister plenipotentiary to negotiate peace and commerce treaties with Great Britain and subsequently authorized him to negotiate an alliance with the Netherlands, as well. Although Adams's attempts to negotiate treaties with the British proved unavailing, in 1782 he finally persuaded the Netherlands to recognize American independence—"the happiest event and the greatest action of my life, past or future." Adams remained abroad as a member of the peace commission and ambassador to the Court of St. James until 1788. On his return to the United States, he found to his surprise that he was widely mentioned as a possible candidate for the office of vice president of the United States.

1788 Election

Although George Washington was the inevitable and unanimous choice for president, there were several contenders for the second office. At the time of the first federal elections, political sentiment was divided between the "Federalists," who supported a strong central government and toward that end had worked to secure the ratification of the Constitution, and the "Antifederalist" advocates of a more limited national government. Adams was the leading Federalist candidate for vice president. The New England Federalists strongly supported him, and he also commanded the allegiance of a few key Antifederalists, including Arthur Lee and Richard Henry Lee of Virginia. Benjamin Rush and William Maclay of Pennsylvania also backed Adams, hinting that he could assure his election by supporting their efforts to locate the national capital in Philadelphia. Other contenders were John Hancock of Massachusetts, whose support for the new Constitution was predicated on his assumption that he would assume the second office, and George Clinton, a New York Antifederalist who later served as vice president under Thomas Jefferson and James Madison.

As much as he coveted the vice presidency, Adams did not actively campaign for the office, refusing the deal proffered by Rush and Maclay. Maclay later explained that the Pennsylvanians played to Adams's "Vanity, and hoped by laying hold of it to render him Useful." They failed to take into account the strong Puritan sense of moral rectitude that prevented Adams from striking such a bargain, even to achieve an office to which he clearly felt entitled. Maclay, who served in the Senate for the first two years of Adams's initial vice-presidential term, never forgave Adams and petulantly noted in his diary that the vice president's "Pride Obstinacy And Folly" were "equal to his Vanity."

The principal threat to Adams came from Federalist leader Alexander Hamilton, who perceived in the New Englander's popularity and uncompromising nature a threat to his own career aspirations. Acting secretly at Hamilton's behest, General Henry Knox tried but failed to persuade Adams that he was too prominent a figure in his own right to serve as Washington's subordinate. When Hamilton realized that Adams commanded the overwhelming support of the New England Federalists and could not be dissuaded, he grudgingly backed his rival but resolved that Adams would not enjoy an overwhelming electoral victory.

Hamilton exploited to his advantage the constitutional provision governing the election of the president and vice president. Article II, section 1 of the Constitution authorized each presidential elector to cast votes "for two Persons, of whom one at least shall not be an Inhabitant of the same State with themselves." The candidate with the greatest number of electoral votes would become president and the candidate with the next-highest number would become vice president. The Constitution's framers created the vice presidency, in part, to keep presidential electors from voting only for state or regional favorites, thus ensuring deadlocks with no candidate receiving a majority vote. By giving each presidential elector two ballots, the framers made it possible to vote for a favorite-son candidate as well as for a more nationally acceptable individual. In the event that no candidate received a majority, as some expected would be the case after George Washington passed from the national stage, the House of Representatives would decide the election from among the five largest vote getters, with each state casting one vote.

The framers, however, had not foreseen the potential complications inherent in this "double-balloting" scheme. Hamilton realized that if each Federalist elector cast one vote for Washington and one for Adams, the resulting tied vote would throw the election into the House of Representatives. Hamilton persuaded several electors to withhold their votes from Adams, ostensibly to ensure Washington a unanimous electoral victory. Adams was bitterly disappointed when he learned that he had received only 34 electoral votes to Washington's 69, and called his election, "in the scurvy manner in which it was done, a curse rather than a blessing."

Hamilton's duplicity had a more lasting effect on the new vice president's political fortunes: the election confirmed his fear that popular elections in "a populous, oppulent, and commercial nation" would eventually lead to "corruption Sedition and civil war." The remedies he suggested—a hereditary senate and an executive appointed for life—prompted charges by his opponents that the vice president was the "monarchist" enemy of republican government and popular liberties.

The First Vice President

Adams took office as vice president on April 21, 1789. Apart from his legislative and ceremonial responsibilities, he did not assume an active role in the Washington administration. Although relations between the two men were cordial, if somewhat restrained, a combination of personality, circumstance, and principle limited Adams's influence. Adams attended few cabinet meetings, and the president sought his counsel only infrequently. Hesitant to take any action that might be construed as usurping the president's prerogative, he generally forwarded applications for offices in the new government to Washington. As president of the Senate, Adams had no reservations about recommending his friend Samuel Allyne Otis for the position of secretary of the Senate, but he declined to assist Otis's brother-in-law, General Joseph Warren, and Abigail's brother-in-law, Richard Cranch, in obtaining much-needed sinecures. Adams was similarly hesitant when Washington solicited his advice regarding Supreme Court nominations.

Although Washington rarely consulted Adams on domestic or foreign policy matters, the two men, according to Adams biographer, John Ferling, "jointly executed many more of the executive branch's ceremonial undertakings than would be likely for a contemporary president and vice-president." Washington invited the vice president to accompany him on his fall 1789 tour of New England—an invitation that Adams declined, although he met the president in Boston—and to several official dinners. The Washingtons routinely extended their hospitality to John, and to Abigail when she was in the capital, and Adams frequently accompanied the president to the theater.

For his own part, Adams professed a narrow interpretation of the vice president's role in the new government. Shortly after taking office, he wrote to his friend and supporter Benjamin Lincoln, "The Constitution has instituted two great offices…and the nation at large has created two officers: one who is the first of the two…is placed at the Head of the Executive, the other at the Head of the Legislative." The following year, he informed another correspondent that the office of vice president "is totally detached from the executive authority and confined to the legislative."

But Adams never really considered himself "totally detached" from the executive branch, as the Senate discovered when he began signing legislative documents as "John Adams, Vice President of the United States." Speaking for a majority of the senators, William Maclay of Pennsylvania quickly called Adams to account. "[A]s President of the Senate only can [y]ou sign or authenticate any Act of that body," he lectured the vice president. Uneasy as some senators were at the prospect of having a member of the executive branch preside over their deliberations, they would permit Adams to certify legislation as president of the Senate, but not as vice president. Never one to acquiesce cheerfully when he believed that important principles were at stake, Adams struck an awkward compromise, signing Senate documents as "John Adams, Vice President of the United States and President of the Senate."

To the extent that Adams remained aloof from the administration, his stance was as much the result of personality and prudence as of principle. He held the president in high personal esteem and generally deferred to the more forceful Washington as a matter of course. Also, as his biographer Page Smith has explained, the vice president always feared that he would become a "scapegoat for all of Washington's unpopular decisions." During the furor over Washington's 1793 proclamation of American neutrality, a weary Adams confided to his wife that he had "held the office of Libellee General long enough."

In the Senate, Adams brought energy and dedication to the presiding officer's chair, but found the task "not quite adapted to my character." Addressing the Senate for the first time on April 21, 1789, he offered the caveat that although "not wholly without experience in public assemblies," he was "more accustomed to take a share in their debates, than to preside in their deliberations." Notwithstanding his lack of experience as a presiding officer, Adams had definite notions regarding the limitations of his office. "It is not for me," he assured the Senate, "to interrupt your deliberations by any general observations on the state of the nation, or by recommending, or proposing any particular measures."

President of the Senate

Adams's resolve was short-lived. His first incursion into the legislative realm occurred shortly after he assumed office, during the Senate debates over titles for the president and executive officers of the new government. Although the House of Representatives agreed in short order that the president should be addressed simply as "George Washington, President of the United States," the Senate debated the issue at some length. Adams repeatedly lectured the Senate that titles were necessary to ensure proper respect for the new government and its officers. Pennsylvania senator William Maclay complained that when the Senate considered the matter on May 8, 1789, the vice president "repeatedly helped the speakers for Titles." The following day, Adams "harangued" the Senate for 40 minutes. "What will the common people of foreign countries, what will the sailors and soldiers say," he argued, "George Washington president of the United States, they will despise him to all eternity." The Senate ultimately deferred to the House on the question of titles, but not before Adams incurred the lasting enmity of the Antifederalists, who saw in his support for titles and ceremony distressing evidence of his "monarchist" leanings.

Adams was more successful in preventing the Senate from asserting a role in the removal of presidential appointees. In the July 14, 1789, debates over the organization of executive departments, several senators agreed with William Maclay that removals of cabinet officers by the president, as well as appointments, should be subject to the advice and consent of the Senate. Adams and his Federalist allies viewed the proposal as an attempt by Antifederalists to enhance the Senate's powers at the expense of the executive. After a series of meetings with individual senators, Adams finally convinced Tristram Dalton of Massachusetts to withdraw his support for Maclay's proposal. Richard Bassett of Delaware followed suit. When the Senate decided the question on July 18 in a 9-to-9 vote, Adams performed his sole legislative function by casting a tie-breaking vote against Maclay's proposal. His action was purely symbolic in this instance, however, as a tie vote automatically defeats a measure.

During the protracted debates over the Residence bill to determine the location of the capital, Adams thwarted another initiative dear to Maclay's heart: a provision to establish the permanent capital "along the banks of the Susquehannah," in convenient proximity to the Pennsylvania senator's extensive landholdings. The disgruntled speculator attributed his defeat to the vice president's tie-breaking votes and the "barefaced partiality" of Adams's rulings from the chair. Maclay was enraged that Adams allowed frequent delays in the September 24, 1789, debates, which permitted Pennsylvania senator Robert Morris, whose sympathies lay with Philadelphia, to lobby other senators against the Susquehannah site. After Morris' motion to strike the provision failed, Adams granted his motion to reconsider over Maclay's strenuous objection that "no business ever could have a decision, if minority members, were permitted to move reconsiderations under every pretense of new argument." Adams ultimately cast the deciding vote in favor of Morris's motion.

The vice president's frequent and pedantic lectures from the chair earned him the resentment of other senators, as well. Shortly after the second session of the First Congress convened in January 1790, John Trumbull warned his friend that he faced growing opposition in the Senate, particularly among the southern senators. Adams's enemies resented his propensity for joining in Senate debates and suspected him of "monarchist" sentiments. Trumbull cautioned that "he who mingles in debate subjects himself to frequent retorts from his opposers, places himself on the same ground with his inferiors in rank, appears too much like the leader of a party, and renders it more difficult for him to support the dignity of the chair and preserve order and regularity in the debate." Although Adams denied that he had ever exceeded the limits of his authority in the Senate, he must have seen the truth in Trumbull's observations, for he assured his confidant that he had "no desire ever to open my mouth again upon any question." Acutely aware of the controversy over his views and behavior, Adams became less an active participant and more an impartial moderator of Senate debates.

Although stung by Trumbull's comments and the censure of less tactful critics, Adams continued to devote a considerable portion of his time and energy to presiding over the Senate; Abigail Adams observed that her husband's schedule "five hours constant sitting in a day for six months together (for he cannot leave his Chair) is pretty tight service."

In the absence of a manual governing Senate debates, Adams looked to British parliamentary procedures for guidance in deciding questions of order. Despite complaints by some senators that Adams demonstrated inconsistency in his rulings, Delaware senator George Read in 1792 praised his "attentive, upright, fair, and unexceptionable" performance as presiding officer, and his "uncommonly exact" attendance in the Senate.

Still, as a national figure and Washington's probable successor, Adams remained controversial, particularly as legislative political parties emerged in the 1790s. Although sectional differences had in large part shaped the debates of the First Congress, two distinct parties began to develop during the Second Congress in 1791 to 1793. The Federalists, adopting the name earlier used by supporters of the Constitution, were the conservative, prosperous advocates of a strong central government. They supported Treasury secretary Alexander Hamilton's proposals to assume and fund the states' revolutionary debts, encourage manufactures, and establish a Bank of the United States. Hamilton's fiscal program appealed to the mercantile, financial, and artisan segments of the population but sparked the growth of an agrarian-based opposition party—initially known as Antifederalists and later as "Republicans"—led by Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson. Adams supported Hamilton's fiscal proposals and, with the Federalists still firmly in command of the Senate and the controversy over public finance largely confined to the House of Representatives, he emerged unscathed from the partisan battles over fiscal policy.

The outbreak of the French Revolution prompted a more divisive debate. Republicans greeted the overthrow of the French monarchy with enthusiasm while the Federalists heard in the revolutionaries' egalitarian rhetoric a threat to the order and stability of Europe and America. France's 1793 declaration of war on Great Britain further polarized the argument, with the Republicans celebrating each British defeat, the Federalists dreading the consequences of a French victory, and both belligerents preying on American shipping at will. While Washington attempted to hold the United States to a neutral course, his vice president—who considered political parties "the greatest political evil under our Constitution," and whose greatest fear was "a division of the republic into two great parties, each arranged under its leader, and concerting measures in opposition to each other"—became, as he had anticipated, the target of concerted Republican opposition.

Adams articulated his thoughts on the French Revolution and its implications for the United States in a series of newspaper essays, the Discourses on Davila. He predicted that the revolution, having abolished the aristocratic institutions necessary to preserve stability and order, was doomed to failure. He warned that the United States would share a similar fate if it failed to honor and encourage with titles and appropriate ceremony its own "natural aristocracy" of talented and propertied public men. Adams even went so far as to predict that a hereditary American aristocracy would be necessary in the event that the "natural" variety failed to emerge. The Davila essays were consistent with Adams's longstanding belief that a strong stabilizing force—a strong executive, a hereditary senate, or a natural aristocracy—was an essential bulwark of popular liberties. They also reflected his recent humiliation at the hands of Alexander Hamilton. Still smarting from his low electoral count in the 1788 presidential election, Adams observed in the 32nd essay that "hereditary succession was attended with fewer evils than frequent elections." As Peter Shaw has noted in his study of Adams's character, "it would be difficult to imagine…a more impolitic act." The Discourses on Davila, together with Adams's earlier support for titles and ceremony, convinced his Republican opponents that he was an enemy of republican government. Rumors that Washington would resign his office once the government was established on a secure footing, and his near death from influenza in the spring of 1790, added to the Republicans' anxiety. In response, they mounted an intense but unsuccessful campaign to unseat Adams in the 1792 presidential election.

Second Term

Persuaded by Hamilton, Jefferson, and Madison to run for a second term, George Washington was again the obvious and unanimous choice for president. Adams was still the preferred vice-presidential candidate of the New England Federalists, but he faced a serious challenge from Republican candidate George Clinton of New York. Although many of his earlier supporters, including Benjamin Rush, joined the opposition in support of Clinton, Adams won reelection with 77 electoral votes to 50 for Clinton. On March 4, 1793, in the Senate Chamber, Washington took the oath of office for a second time. Adams, as always, followed Washington's example but waited until the Third Congress convened on December 2, 1793, to take his second oath of office. No one, apparently, gave much thought to the question of whether or not the nation had a vice president—and a successor to Washington, should he die in office or become incapacitated—during the nine-month interval between these two inaugurations.

Early in Adams's second vice-presidential term, France declared war on Great Britain. Washington's cabinet supported the president's policy of neutrality, but its members disagreed over the implementation of that policy. Hamilton urged the president to issue an immediate proclamation of American neutrality; Jefferson warned that only Congress could issue such a declaration and counseled that delaying the proclamation would force concessions from France and England. Recognizing the United States's commercial dependence on Great Britain, Hamilton proposed that the nation conditionally suspend the treaties that granted France access to U.S. ports and guaranteed French possession of the West Indies. Secretary of State Jefferson insisted that the United States honor its treaty obligations. The secretaries similarly disagreed over extending recognition to the emissary of the French republic, "Citizen" Edmond Genêt.

Adams considered absolute neutrality the only prudent course. As a Federalist, he was no supporter of France, but his reluctance to offend a former ally led him to take a more cautious stance than Hamilton. Although Washington sought his advice, Adams scrupulously avoided public comment; he had "no constitutional vote" in the matter and no intention of "taking any side in it or having my name or opinion quoted about it." After the president decided to recognize Genêt, Adams reluctantly received the controversial Frenchman but predicted that "a little more of this indelicacy and indecency may involve us in a war with all the world."

Although Adams, as vice president, had "no constitutional vote" in the administration's foreign policy, he cast two important tie-breaking foreign policy votes in the Senate, where Republican gains in the 1792 elections had eroded the Federalist majority. In both cases, Adams voted to prevent war with Great Britain and its allies. On March 12, 1794, he voted in favor of an embargo on the domestic sale of vessels and goods seized from friendly nations. The following month, he voted against a bill to suspend American trade with Great Britain. Despite these votes, Adams made every effort to stay aloof from the bitter controversy over foreign policy, remaining silent during the Senate's 1795 debates over the controversial Jay Treaty. Privately, Adams considered the Jay Treaty essential to avert war with Great Britain, but the Federalists still commanded sufficient votes to ratify the treaty without the vice president's assistance.

1796 Election

The popular outcry against the Jay Treaty strengthened Washington's resolve to retire at the end of his second term, and he announced his intentions in September 1796. Although the majority of the Federalists considered Adams the logical choice to succeed Washington, Hamilton preferred their more pliant vice-presidential candidate, former minister to Great Britain Thomas Pinckney. The Republican candidates were Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr. Once again Hamilton proved a greater threat to Adams than the opposition candidates. The Federalists lost the vice presidency because of Hamilton's scheming and came dangerously close to losing the presidency as well. Repeating the tactics he had used to diminish Adams's electoral count in the 1788 election, Hamilton tried to persuade South Carolina's Federalist electors to withhold enough votes from Adams to ensure Thomas Pinckney's election to the presidency. This time, however, the New England Federalist electors learned of Hamilton's plot and withheld sufficient votes from Pinckney to compensate for the lost South Carolina votes. These intrigues resulted in the election of a president and vice president from opposing parties, with president-elect Adams receiving 71 electoral votes to 68 for Thomas Jefferson.

Vice President Adams addressed the Senate for the last time on February 15, 1797. He thanked current and former members for the "candor and favor" they had extended to him during his eight years as presiding officer. Despite the frustrations and difficulties he had experienced as vice president, Adams left the presiding officer's chair with a genuine regard for the Senate that was in large part mutual. He expressed gratitude to the body for the "uniform politeness" accorded him "from every quarter," and declared that he had "never had the smallest misunderstanding with any member of the Senate." Notwithstanding his earlier pronouncements in favor of a hereditary Senate, Adams assured the members that the "eloquence, patriotism, and independence" that he had witnessed had convinced him that "no council more permanent than this…will be necessary, to defend the rights, liberties, and properties of the people, and to protect the Constitution of the United States." The Senate's February 22 message expressing "gratitude and affection" and praising his "abilities and undeviating impartiality" evoked a frank and emotional response from Adams the following day. The Senate's "generous approbation" of his "undeviating impartiality" had served to "soften asperities, and conciliate animosities, wherever such may unhappily exist," for which the departing vice president offered his "sincere thanks."

President

Adams served as president from 1797 to 1801. He failed to win a second term due to the popular outcry against the repressive Alien and Sedition Acts, which he had reluctantly approved as necessary wartime measures, as well as the rupture in the Federalist Party over the end of hostilities with France. Hamilton was determined to defeat Adams after the president responded favorably to French overtures for peace in 1799, and he was further outraged when Adams purged two of his sympathizers from the cabinet in May 1800. In a letter to Federalist leaders, Hamilton detailed his charges that Adams's "ungovernable indiscretion" and "distempered jealousy" made him unfit for office. With the Federalist Party split between the Hamilton and Adams factions, Adams lost the election. After 35 ballots, the House of Representatives broke the tied vote between Republican presidential candidate Thomas Jefferson and vice-presidential candidate Aaron Burr in Jefferson's favor.

Adams spent the remainder of his life in retirement at his farm in Quincy, Massachusetts. In an attempt to vindicate himself from past charges that he was an enemy of American liberties, Adams in 1804 began his Autobiography, which he never finished. He also wrote voluminous letters to friends and former colleagues toward the same end. In 1811 Adams resumed his friendship with Jefferson, and the two old patriots began a lively correspondence that continued for 15 years. Although largely content to observe political events from the seclusion of Quincy and to follow the promising career of his eldest son, John Quincy, Adams briefly resumed his own public career in 1820, when he represented the town of Quincy in the Massachusetts constitutional convention. Adams died at Quincy on July 4, 1826, the 50th anniversary of American independence.

Источник: https://www.senate.gov/about/officers-staff/vice-president/adams-john.htm

The First American President: Setting the Precedent

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One of the many things to come out of George Washington’s extraordinary life is the many firsts he seems to have undertaken. As president, he once again had to set the standard for all who followed him into the office. The list below represents some of the major things Washington did first as president that established a precedent for future leaders of the position.

  • Appointing Judges. One of the first challenges that President Washington faced was filling the vacancies in the newly created Judicial Branch of the federal government. It would fall on Washington to nominate qualified candidates to appointment to fill these seats. Some judges only served a handful of years before moving onto other ventures or retirement. In all, Washington appointed 38 judges to the federal court system.
  • Ceremonial purposes. The presidency was supposed to be subservient to the Legislative Branch upon creation, but having George Washington serve as the nation’s first president instantly created a cult of personality around the position. He was the face and main attraction of the entire government. Because of this, Washington was invited to attend just about every local ceremony that honored a new building or ship being constructed. He laid the cornerstone for the future Capital Building in the city that would carry his name in 1793. He also participated in several Masonic building ceremonies because of his membership to the organization. And, he officially recognized Thanksgiving. On Thursday, November 26, 1789, he declared it the first national holiday.
  • Chief foreign diplomat. The Executive Branch serviced foreign policy relations, and the president would serve as the primary diplomat to all nations. Washington welcomed envoys from Spain, France, and Great Britain during his presidency, as well as dozens of members of various Native American tribes. Though he believed the position to be one of importance and needed to be shown respect, Washington did not believe the president was above seeing and speaking with envoys. The American presidency was not a European monarchy and Washington wanted that to be known whenever possible and welcoming delegates and foreign ambassadors on an equal footing with him showed the difference. 
  • Chooses a Cabinet. One of the uncertainties at the start of the new federal government would be who serviced the various tasks of implementing the government’s policies. The government had to function and experienced individuals could only be trusted with performing these responsibilities. Washington took it upon himself to nominate people who would serve in his inner circle of personal secretaries. The decision was his alone to make. Harkening back to his military family of aides and secretaries during the Revolutionary War, the president sought to emulate this with his Cabinet. He chose Alexander Hamilton as Treasury Secretary and Henry Knox as Secretary of War. Rounding out the initial cabinet posts was Thomas Jefferson as Secretary of State. Perhaps no other president was served better, for better or worse. 
  • Commander in Chief of the Military. The United States did not have a standing army at the time of Washington becoming president. The country only had a reserve force of about one thousand soldiers. Standing armies were highly suspicious to most Americans; militias that could be raised quickly still commanded the proper response to any threat. The role of the president was always shaped to command the military, if necessary. Despite reservations of one person holding too much power, it was generally accepted that a military would need a singular leader. Washington being Washington settled any worries over who would command an army, if needed. He would briefly lead the assembled army in 1794 during the Whiskey Rebellion, being the first of only two American presidents who commanded US soldiers on American soil. The other was President James Madison outside the capital during the War of 1812. 
  • Mr. President, and nothing more. A famous squabble broke out early on in Washington’s presidency over the proper title to address him by. Vice President John Adams, seemingly bored or investing far too much into the matter, took it upon himself to come up with several official titles to address the president by. All sounded long, European, and ridiculous to the members of Congress who listened. Eventually, Washington himself decided the matter by declaring the title as, “Mr. President,” to reflect the non-monarchial stature of the position.
  • No lifetime appointment. Among all of the things Washington continued to exemplify during his career in public service was his reluctancy to accept power, and his insistence on relinquishing it when he could. At each critical phase in his life, he stepped away when power was his to wield. First in 1783, he resigned as commander in chief of the Continental Army. Then in 1787, he came out of retirement to preside over the Philadelphia Convention that drafted the Constitution. And in 1789, he was persuaded yet again to serve his country as the first president. Washington hoped the appointment to president would be temporary, but it was not to be so. The partisanship of the 1790s consumed his administration and he was forced to remain in office for eight years. By 1796, he was exhausted and decided to retire, permanently. The precedent of carrying out a maximum of two consecutive terms was established by his retiring in 1797. It would go unchallenged until President Franklin Delano Roosevelt won a third term in the 1940 election. Roosevelt would win a fourth term in 1944, but die in early 1945 from failing health as he oversaw the American war effort during World War II. The Twenty-Second Amendment of the Constitution places term limits on an individual who is president, establishing Washington’s precedent of two terms as the maximum a person can serve. 

Further Reading

Источник: https://www.battlefields.org/learn/articles/first-american-president-setting-precedent

Room where Grover Cleveland was born

Room where Grover Cleveland was born
Jonathan Carlucci
Division of Parks and Forestry

Born in this modest house in Caldwell, New Jersey on March 18, 1837, Stephen Grover Cleveland was the 22nd and 24th president of the United States, the only president to serve two non-consecutive terms.  The house was the residence of the minister at the local Presbyterian Church.  Built in 1832, the “Manse,” as it was known, consisted of a two-story frame main section with a one-story kitchen on the east side and a one-story lean-to at the rear.  Simple Federal and Greek Revival details add a touch of sophistication to a simple vernacular building.  The large Cleveland family lived here from 1834 to 1841.  Cleveland began his political career in western New York and rose quickly from mayor of Buffalo in 1881 to president of the United States in 1885.  Defeated by Republican Benjamin Harrison in 1888, he easily won reelection in 1892.  The Democrats did not re-nominate him in 1896; ultimately, he owed his defeat to the deep Depression of 1893.


In 1841, Cleveland’s father moved to a church in Fayetteville, New York, where young Grover (he rarely used his first name) received his schooling.  At the age of 13, he went to work to help family finances after his father became ill.  He abandoned his hopes of attending college when his father died in 1853.  He soon moved to Buffalo, where he worked briefly on his uncle’s farm before entering a local law firm as an apprentice clerk.  In 1859, he passed the bar and opened his own law practice.  He became a prominent lawyer and Democratic politician.  Elected mayor of Buffalo in 1881, he soon developed a reputation as a reformer because of his opposition to corruption and patronage.  As governor of New York from 1883 to 1884, he exhibited bipartisan independence.  He worked closely with Republican Assembly member Theodore Roosevelt to pass municipal reform legislation that gained him national recognition, but angered New York City's powerful Tammany Hall Democratic organization.

Cleveland managed to become the Democratic presidential nominee in 1884 without Tammany support. The campaign was contentious and close.  Cleveland won the popular vote by just one-quarter of one percent, but the electoral votes gave him a majority of 219–182.  A popular chief executive, President Cleveland failed at his first attempt at reelection in 1888, but succeeded four years later.

Grover Cleveland artifacts on display

Grover Cleveland artifacts on display
Jonathan Carlucci
Division of Parks and Forestry

The Presbyterian Church Manse is one of the two oldest houses in Caldwell.  The church enlarged the house several times between 1848 and 1870.  Interest in preserving Cleveland’s birthplace began when he was governor of New York and grew as his political career continued. The birthplace house first opened to the public in 1913.  The State of New Jersey bought the house from the Cleveland Birthplace Memorial Association in 1934 and now operates it as a historic house museum. The Grover Cleveland Birthplace State Historic Site is the only house museum in the country dedicated to the interpretation of President Cleveland’s life. It is the nation’s leading repository of Cleveland artifacts and political memorabilia. Restored to their 1837 appearance when the Cleveland family lived in the house, the first floor rooms offer a glimpse at the modest beginnings of the future president.  Among the artifacts on display from Cleveland’s early years are his cradle and original family portraits.  An exhibition gallery reflects his later life.


Plan your visit

The Grover Cleveland Birthplace is located at 207 Bloomfield Ave., Caldwell, NJ. The Grover Cleveland Birthplace State Historic Site is the only house museum in the country dedicated to the interpretation of President Cleveland’s life. It is the nation’s leading repository of Cleveland artifacts and political memorabilia. It is open to the public free of charge. The birthplace is open year round, Wednesday-Sunday from 10:00am to noon and from 1:00pm to 4:00pm. It is closed for all State and Federal holidays. For more information visit the New Jersey Division of Parks and Forestry Grover Cleveland Birthplace website or call 973-226-0001.

The Grover Cleveland Birthplace has been documented by the National Park Service’s Historic American Buildings Survey.

 
Источник: https://www.nps.gov/nr/travel/presidents/grover_cleveland_birthplace.html

After the Declaration of Independence in 1776, thirteen British colonies emerged to form a new nation. From the role’s creation in 1789 by its Founding Fathers until the eve of the Civil War, America saw 15 Presidents – each of whom helped shape the country’s history and define the presidential role.

Here are America’s first 15 Presidents in order:

1. George Washington (President from 1789-1797)

Washington became a national hero after commanding the Continental Army and leading it to victory over the British during the American Revolution (1775-1783).

After presiding over the convention that drafted the US Constitution, Washington was unanimously elected President – astutely aware of the precedent he’d set.

George. Where did it all go wrong? George Washington could have had a comfortable career as a loyal member of HIs Majesty's Virginia militia and colonial grandee. But no, he had to go and roll the dice. I am thrilled in this episode to be talking to historian Alexis Coe about her new biography of Washington. She has a fresh take on the first President, but no less scholarly for that.

Listen Now

2. John Adams (1797-1801)

John Adams’s presidency was largely taken up with foreign affairs as Britain and France were at war, which directly affected American trade.

3. Thomas Jefferson (1801–1809)

Thomas Jefferson was America’s first Secretary of State and the primary author of the Declaration of Independence (1776).

As President, Jefferson stablised the US economy and successfully brokered the Louisiana Purchase from France in 1803, buying 800,000 square miles for $15 million, which doubled the size of the US.

Depiction of the territory gained in the Louisiana purchase. Credit: Frank Bond / Commons.

4. James Madison (1809-1817)

James Madison co-wrote The Federalist Papers, earning him the nickname ‘Father of the Constitution’, which ratified the US Constitution and the Bill of Rights.

The controversial War of 1812 against Britain was fought during his presidency.

5. James Monroe (1817–1825)

James Monroe was America’s last President from its Founding Fathers, and best known for his ‘Monroe Doctrine’ opposing European colonialism in the Americas.

His first term became known as the ‘Era of Good Feelings’ following his tour of the country, his seeking to unite Republicans and Federalists in a common cause, and the beginnings of international relief.

On 13 September 1759, on the Plains of Abraham near the city of Quebec, an outnumbered British army fought a battle that would change the history of the world: the Battle of Quebec.

Watch Now

6. John Quincy Adams (1825-1829)

Adams was the first US President who was the son of a President. Although a highly influential diplomat, hostile opposition from the Jacksonians meant many of his initiatives were either considered overambitious, failed to pass legislation or were badly underfunded.

7. Andrew Jackson (1829-1837)

Andrew Jackson, known as the “people’s president”, was the first to wield his veto power as a matter of policy. He founded the Democratic Party, destroyed the Second Bank of the United States (which he saw as corrupt), and instituted the Indian Removal Act of 1830 which forced the migration of Native Americans.

Jackson was also the target of the first presidential assassination attempt – and the first president to ride on a train, in 1833.

Portrait of Andrew Jackson, the seventh president of the United States. (Public Domain).

8. Martin Van Buren (1837-1841)

Martin Van Buren – the first president born as a US citizen – had been known as the ‘Little Magician’ after his reputed skill as a politician. However, his time in office was dominated by the financial panic of 1837 and resulting economic depression. His popularity further waned after he blocked the annexation of Texas.

9. William Henry Harrison (1841)

William Henry Harrison was a military officer and politician. On his 32nd day as President, he became the first to die in office after developing pneumonia, and the shortest-serving president in US history.

10. John Tyler (1841-1845)

Nicknamed ‘His Accidency’, John Tyler was the first Vice President to succeed to the Presidency after the death of his predecessor. He was also the first president to have his veto overridden by congress, and the first to marry while holding office.

After vetoing bills aimed at reestablishing a national bank, Tyler was ostracized by congressional Whigs, becoming a president without a party.

11. James K. Polk (1845-1849)

During Polk’s presidency, the annexation of Texas as a state was concluded, resulting in the Mexican-American War which caused a bitter disagreement between the North and South over the expansion of slavery. Vast territories were also acquired in the Southwest and along the Pacific coast, along with the establishment of America’s northern border.

The stress of his presidency took a toll on Polk, and he died just 3 months after leaving office.

Susan Schulten presents a selection of maps from the fascinating collection of maps that feature in her book 'A History of America in 100 Maps'.

Watch Now

12. Zachary Taylor (1849-1850)

Zachary Taylor had served in the US Army for nearly 40 years and was seen as a hero from the Mexican-American War.

After California’s population expanded following the Gold Rush, there was pressure to resolve the issue of its statehood. Though a slaveholder himself, Taylor’s time in the army had given him a strong sense of nationalism and he opposed the creation of new slave states. This incensed some southern leaders who threatened secession.

In early July 1850, he suddenly fell ill and died.

13. Millard Fillmore (1850-1853)

Millard Fillmore was a member of the Whig party – the last President not to be affiliated with either the Democratic or Republican parties.

Fillmore passed the Fugitive Slave Act (1850), making it a crime to support slaves trying to escape to free territories, and helped create the Compromise of 1850. Increased settlement in the west had led to clashes with Native Americans, and Fillmore approved one-sided treaties that forcibly moved them onto government reservations.

Reynolds’s Political Map of the United States 1856 (Public Domain).

14. Franklin Pierce (1853-1857)

Pierce hoped to ease North/South divisions but by signing the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, which allowed settlers of a territory to decide whether slavery would be allowed within the new state’s borders, he hastened the disruption of the Union. Anger around this Act turned Kansas into a battleground for the country’s conflict over slavery, setting America on its path to civil war.

15. James Buchanan (1857-1861)

It was hoped Buchanan could avert a national crisis but his refusal to take a firm stand on either side and inability to halt southern states’ moves toward secession led to the Union breaking apart. By February 1861 seven Southern states had seceded. Civil war became increasingly inevitable.

Источник: https://www.historyhit.com/founding-fathers-the-first-15-us-presidents-in-order/

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Washington, D.C., has not always looked like it does today. Once it was a sleepy little village with only a few buildings. There were no good roads into the village, and no good docks for boats.

About two hundred years ago, when the United States was a brand-new country, people began to talk about where the president should live. Should the president live in the North or the South? Should the president's house be a palace, like kings live in, or a simpler house?

While Congress debated what to build and where to build it, our first president, George Washington, lived in three houses. The first two were in New York City. The third was in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Finally, Washington decided to compromise. He picked a patch of land on the Potomac River.

Both Maryland and Virginia gave land for the new capital. The land was on the border of the North and the South. At that time, there were no western states! George Washington named the land the District of Columbia, in honor of Christopher Columbus.

President Washington hired people to plan a new city. Washington, D.C., is one of the only cities in the world that was designed before it was built. First, Benjamin Banneker and Andrew Ellicott made maps of the land. Then Pierre Charles L'Enfant decided where to put the roads. Washington decided to put the Capitol Building on a hill at one end of the city, and the president's house on a hill at the other end.

Next it was time to decide what kind of house to build for the president. Thomas Jefferson suggested having a contest. He advertised the contest in newspapers across the country. A committee picked a simple but elegant design by James Hoban, a young Irish American architect.

The first stone was laid on October 13, 1792. It took eight years to finish enough of the house to make it livable. The Capitol Building wasn't completed yet, and congressmen lived in boardinghouses surrounded by farmland. John Adams, the second president of the United States, moved into a cold, damp White House in November 1800. Abigail Adams hung her laundry up to dry in the East Room. She thought it would be bad manners to hang the president's laundry outside.

By the time our third president, Thomas Jefferson, moved into the White House in 1801, most of the outside structures were finished. The White House was the largest residential house in America! Jefferson ordered wallpaper and furniture from France. Every president since has ordered special things for the house. Today, you can see chairs that people sat on more than one hundred years ago! During this time, the building was called the President's Palace, and then the President's House.

Then James Madison was elected president. During his term of office, the United States went to war with England. It was the War of 1812. As the British troops got close to Washington, Madison's wife, Dolley, ordered a carriage to pick her up and take her to safety. But she would not leave the house until two men agreed to take down the famous portrait of George Washington. The troops set fire to the Capitol Building and the White House. Today, the picture that Dolley saved is the only thing that has been in the White House since it first opened. When the war was over, the house was rebuilt and repainted white to cover the smoke marks. People began to call it the White House.

Adapted from The Story of the White House by Kate Waters. (Copyright 1991. Published by Scholastic.)

 

History of The White House: An American Treasure

For almost 200 years, the White House has stood as a symbol of the Presidency, the United States government, and the American people. Its history and the history of the nation's capital began when President George Washington signed an Act of Congress in December of 1790 declaring that the federal government would reside in a district "not exceeding ten miles square . . . on the river Potomac." President Washington, together with city planner Pierre L'Enfant, chose the site for the new residence, which is not 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. As preparations began for the new federal city, a competition was held to find a builder for the "President's House." Nine proposals were submitted, and Irish-born architect James Hoban won a gold medal for his practical and handsome design.

Construction began when the first cornerstone was laid in October of 1792. Although President Washington oversaw the construction of the house, he never lived in it. It was not until 1800, when the White House was nearly completed, that its first residents, President John Adams and his wife Abigail, moved in. Since that time, each President has made his own changes and additions. The White House is, after all, the President's private home. It is also the only private residence of a head of state that is open to the public free of charge.

The White House has a unique and fascinating history. It survived a fire at the hands of the British in 1814 during the War of 1812, and another fire in the West Wing in 1929 while Herbert Hoover was President. Throughout much of Harry S. Truman's presidency, the interior of the house was completely gutted and renovated while the Trumans lived at Blair House, right across Pennsylvania Avenue. Nonetheless, the exterior stone walls are those first put in place when the White House was constructed two centuries ago.

Presidents can express their individual style in how they decorate the house and in how they receive the public during their stay. Thomas Jefferson held the first Inaugural open house in 1805. Many of those who attended the swearing in ceremony at the U.S. Capitol simply followed him home, where he greeted them in the Blue Room. President Jefferson also opened the house for public tours, and it has remained open, except during wartime, ever since. In addition, he welcomed visitors to annual receptions on New Year's Day and the Fourth of July. In 1829, a horde of 20,000 Inaugural callers forced President Andrew Jackson to flee to the safety of a hotel while, on the lawn, aids filled washtubs with orange juice and whiskey to lure the mob out of the mud-tracked White House.

Soon after Abraham Lincoln's presidency, Inaugural crowds became far too large for the White House to accommodate them comfortably. However, not until Grover Cleveland's first presidency did this unsafe practice change. He held a presidential review of the troops from a flag-draped grandstand built in front of the White House. This procession evolved into the official Inaugural parade we know today. Receptions on New Year's Day and the Fourth of July continued to be held until the early 1930s.

President Clinton's open house on January 21, 1993, renewed a venerable White House Inaugural tradition. Two thousand citizens, selected by lottery, were greeted in the Diplomatic Reception Room by President and Mrs. Clinton and Vice President and Mrs. Gore.

Adapted from "The White House: The House of the People", by the White House Historical Association.

Источник: https://www.scholastic.com/teachers/articles/teaching-content/history-white-house/

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Источник: https://www.statista.com/statistics/1124853/us-presidents-children/

After the Declaration of Independence in 1776, thirteen British colonies emerged to form a new nation. From the role’s creation in 1789 by its Founding Fathers until the eve of the Civil War, America saw 15 Presidents – each of whom helped shape the country’s history and define the presidential role.

Here are America’s first 15 Presidents in order:

1. George Washington (President from 1789-1797)

Washington became a national hero after commanding the Continental Army and leading it to victory over the British during the American Revolution (1775-1783).

After presiding over the convention that drafted the US Constitution, Washington was unanimously elected President – astutely aware of the precedent he’d set.

George. Where did it all go wrong? George Washington could have had a comfortable career as a loyal member of HIs Majesty's Virginia militia and colonial grandee. But no, he had to go and roll the dice. I am thrilled in this episode to be talking to historian Alexis Coe about her new biography of Washington. She has a fresh take on the first President, but no less scholarly for that.

Listen Now

2. John Adams (1797-1801)

John Adams’s presidency was largely taken up with foreign affairs as Britain and France were at war, which directly affected American trade.

3. Thomas Jefferson (1801–1809)

Thomas Jefferson was America’s first Secretary of State and the primary author of the Declaration of Independence (1776).

As President, Jefferson stablised the US economy and successfully brokered the Louisiana Purchase from France in 1803, buying 800,000 square miles for $15 million, which doubled the size of the US.

Depiction of the territory gained in the Louisiana purchase. Credit: Frank Bond / Commons.

4. James Madison (1809-1817)

James Madison co-wrote The Federalist Papers, earning him the nickname ‘Father of the Constitution’, which ratified the US Constitution and the Bill of Rights.

The controversial War of 1812 against Britain was fought during his presidency.

5. James Monroe (1817–1825)

James Monroe was America’s last President from its Founding Fathers, and best known for his ‘Monroe Doctrine’ opposing European colonialism in the Americas.

His first term became known as the ‘Era of Good Feelings’ following his tour of the country, his seeking to unite Republicans and Federalists in a common cause, and the beginnings of international relief.

On 13 September 1759, on the Plains of Abraham near the city of Quebec, an outnumbered British army fought a battle that would change the history of the world: the Battle of Quebec.

Watch Now

6. John Quincy Adams (1825-1829)

Adams was the first US President who was the son of a President. Although a highly influential diplomat, hostile opposition from the Jacksonians meant many of his initiatives were either considered overambitious, failed to pass legislation or were badly underfunded.

7. Andrew Jackson (1829-1837)

Andrew Jackson, known as the “people’s president”, was the first to wield his veto power as a matter of policy. He founded the Democratic Party, destroyed the Second Bank of the United States (which he saw as corrupt), and instituted the Indian Removal Act of 1830 who was our first president of the united states forced the migration of Native Americans.

Jackson was also the target of the first presidential assassination attempt – and the first president to ride on a train, in 1833.

Portrait of Andrew Jackson, the seventh president of the United States. (Public Domain).

8. Martin Van Buren (1837-1841)

Martin Van Buren – the first president born as a US citizen – had been known as the ‘Little Magician’ after his reputed skill as a politician. However, his time in office was dominated by the financial panic of 1837 and resulting economic depression. His popularity further waned after he blocked the annexation of Texas.

9. William Henry Harrison (1841)

William Henry Harrison was a military officer and politician. On his 32nd day as President, he became the first to die in office after developing pneumonia, and the shortest-serving president in US history.

10. John Tyler (1841-1845)

Nicknamed ‘His Accidency’, John Tyler was the first Vice President to succeed to the Presidency after the death of his predecessor. He was also the first president to have his veto overridden by congress, and the first to marry while holding office.

After vetoing bills aimed at reestablishing a national bank, Tyler was ostracized by congressional Whigs, becoming a president without a party.

11. James K. Polk (1845-1849)

During Polk’s presidency, the annexation of Texas as a state was concluded, resulting in the Mexican-American War which caused a bitter disagreement between the North and South over the expansion of slavery. Vast territories were also acquired in the Southwest and along the Pacific coast, along with the establishment of America’s northern border.

The stress of his presidency took a toll on Polk, and he died just 3 months after leaving office.

Susan Schulten presents a selection of maps from the fascinating collection of maps that feature in her book 'A History of America in 100 Maps'.

Watch Now

12. Zachary Taylor (1849-1850)

Zachary Taylor had served in the US Army for nearly 40 years and was seen as a hero from the Mexican-American War.

After California’s population expanded following the Gold Rush, there was pressure to resolve the issue of its statehood. Though a slaveholder himself, Taylor’s time in the army had given him a strong sense of nationalism and he opposed the creation of new slave states. This incensed some southern leaders who threatened secession.

In early July 1850, he suddenly fell ill and died.

13. Millard Fillmore (1850-1853)

Millard Fillmore was a member of the Whig party – the last President not to be affiliated with either the Democratic or Republican parties.

Fillmore passed the Fugitive Slave Act (1850), making it a crime to support slaves trying to escape to free territories, and helped create the Compromise of 1850. Increased settlement in the west had led to clashes with Native Americans, and Fillmore approved one-sided treaties that forcibly moved them onto government reservations.

canyon trails homes for rent Political Map of the United States 1856 (Public Domain).

14. Franklin Pierce (1853-1857)

Pierce hoped to ease North/South divisions but by signing the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, which allowed settlers of a territory to decide whether slavery would be allowed within the new state’s borders, he hastened the disruption of the Union. Anger around this Act turned Kansas into a battleground for the country’s conflict over slavery, setting America on its path to civil war.

15. James Buchanan (1857-1861)

It was hoped Buchanan could avert a national crisis but his refusal to take a firm stand on either side and inability to halt southern states’ moves toward secession led to the Union breaking apart. By February 1861 seven Southern states had seceded. Civil war became increasingly inevitable.

Источник: https://www.historyhit.com/founding-fathers-the-first-15-us-presidents-in-order/

On April 21, 1789, John Adams, the first vice president of the United States, began his duties as president of the Senate. Adams's role in the administration of George Washington was sharply constrained by the constitutional limits on the vice presidency and his own reluctance to encroach upon executive prerogative. He enjoyed a cordial but distant relationship with President Washington, who sought his advice on occasion but relied primarily on the cabinet. Adams played a more active role in the Senate, however, particularly during his first term.

As president of the Senate, Adams cast 29 tie-breaking votes. His votes protected the president's sole authority over the removal of appointees, influenced the location of the national capital, and prevented war with Great Britain. On at least one occasion he persuaded senators to vote against legislation that he opposed, and he frequently lectured the Senate on procedural and policy matters. Adams's political views and his active role in the Senate made him a natural target for critics of the Washington administration. Toward the end of his first term, he began to exercise more restraint in the hope of realizing the goal shared by many of his successors: election in his own right as president of the United States

A Family Tradition of Public Service

John Adams was born in Braintree, Massachusetts, on October 19, 1735, into a family with an established tradition of public service. As a child, he attended town meetings with his father, who was at various times a militia officer, a deacon and tithe collector of the local congregation, and selectman for the town of Braintree. Determined that his namesake attend Harvard College, the elder Adams sent young John to a local "dame" school and later to Joseph Cleverly's Latin school. Adams was an indifferent student until the age of 14, when he withdrew from the Latin school to prepare for college with a private tutor, "Mr. Marsh." Adams entered Harvard College in 1751 and plunged into a rigorous course of study. After his graduation in 1755, he accepted a position as Latin master of the Worcester, Massachusetts, Grammar School. The following year, finding himself "irresistibly impelled" toward a legal career, Adams apprenticed himself to James Putnam, a local attorney. He continued to teach school while reading law at night until his admission to the Boston Superior Court bar on November 6, 1758.

His legal studies completed, Adams returned to Braintree to establish his legal practice, which grew slowly. In the spring of 1761, on the death of his father, Adams inherited the family farm—a bequest that enabled him, as a "freeholder" with a tangible interest in the community, to take an active part in town meetings. He served on several local committees bank of america california led a crusade to require professional certification of practitioners before the local courts. In February 1761, on one of his regular trips to Boston to attend the Court of Common Pleas, Adams observed James Otis's arguments against the writs of assistance before the Massachusetts Supreme Court. Adams recalled in later years that Otis's impassioned oratory against these general search and seizure warrants convinced Adams that England and the colonies had been "brought to a Collision," and left him "ready to take arms" against the writs. However, Adams's political career who was our first president of the united states limited to local concerns for several more years until 1765, when he played a crucial role in formulating Massachusetts's response to the Stamp Act.

A Lawyer and a Legislator

As a member of the town meeting, Adams drafted instructions for the Braintree delegate to the Massachusetts provincial assembly, known as the General Court, which met in October 1765 to formulate the colony's response to the Stamp Act. Adams's rationale, that the colonies could not be taxed by a parliament in which they were not represented, and that the stamp tax was "inconsistent with the spirit of the common law and who was our first president of the united states the essential fundamental principles of the British constitution," soon appeared in the Massachusetts Gazette and Boston News Letter. His cousin, Samuel Adams, incorporated John's argument in the instructions that he drafted for the Boston delegates, and other towns adopted the same stance.

With the repeal of the Stamp Act, Adams focused his energies on building his law practice and attending to the demands of the growing family that followed from his marriage to Abigail Smith in 1764. Finding few opportunities for a struggling young attorney in Braintree, the young family moved in 1768 to Boston, where John's practice flourished. Adams soon found himself an active participant in the local resistance to British authority as a consequence of his defense of John Hancock before the vice admiralty court for customs duty violations. He argued in Hancock's defense that the Parliament could not tax the colonies without their express consent and added the charge, soon to become a part of the revolutionary rhetoric, that the vice-admiralty courts violated the colonists' rights as Englishmen to trial by jury. Although the crown eventually withdrew the charges against Hancock, Adams continued his assault on the vice-admiralty courts in the instructions he wrote for the Boston general court representatives in 1768 and 1769.

Adams subsequently agreed to defend the British soldiers who fired upon the Boston mob during the spring of 1770. His able and dispassionate argument on behalf of the defendants in the Boston massacre case won his clients' acquittal, as well as his election to a brief term in the Massachusetts assembly, where he was one of Governor Thomas Hutchinson's most vocal opponents. The enmity was mutual; when the general court elected Adams to the Massachusetts council, or upper house, in 1773, the governor denied Adams his seat. The general court reelected Adams the following year, but Hutchinson's successor, Thomas Gage, again prevented him from serving on the council. The general court subsequently elected Adams to the first and second Continental congresses. Although initially reluctant to press for immediate armed resistance, Adams consistently denied Parliament's right to regulate the internal affairs of the colonies, a position he elaborated in a series of 13 newspaper essays published under the name "Novanglus" during the winter and spring of 1775. Like Adams's other political writings, the Novanglus essays set forth his tenets in rambling and disjointed fashion, but their primary focus—the fundamental rights of the colonists—was clear.

An Architect of Independence

An avowed supporter of independence in the second Continental Congress, Adams was a member of the committee that prepared the Declaration of Independence. Although Thomas Jefferson of Virginia composed the committee draft, Adams's contribution was no less important. As Jefferson later acknowledged, Adams was the Declaration's "pillar of support on the floor of Congress, its ablest advocate and defender." New Jersey delegate Richard Stockton and others styled Adams "the 'Atlas' of independence." Adams further served the cause of independence as chairman of the Board of War and Ordnance. Congress assigned to the board the onerous tasks of recruiting, provisioning, and https www suntrust online banking a continental army; as chairman, Adams coordinated this Herculean effort until the winter of 1777, when Congress appointed him to replace Silas Deane as commissioner to the Court of Paris.

Adams served as commissioner until the spring of 1779. On his return to Massachusetts, he represented Braintree in the state constitutional convention. The convention asked him to draft a model constitution, which it adopted with amendments in 1780. Adams's model provided for the three branches of government—executive, legislative, and judicial—that were ultimately incorporated into the United States Constitution, and it vested strong powers in the executive. "His Excellency," as the governor was to be addressed, was given an absolute veto over the legislature and sole power to appoint officers of the militia. Throughout his life, Adams was an advocate of a strong executive. He believed that only a stable government could preserve social order and protect the liberties of the people. His studies of classical antiquity convinced him that republican government was inherently vulnerable to corruption and inevitably harbored "a never-failing passion for tyranny" unless balanced by a stabilizing force. In 1780 Adams considered a strong executive sufficient to achieve this end. In later years, he grew so fearful of the "corruption" he discerned in popular elections that he suggested more drastic alternatives—a hereditary senate and a hereditary executive—which his opponents saw as evidence of his antidemocratic, "monarchist" intent.

Before the Massachusetts convention began its deliberations over Adams's draft, Congress appointed him minister plenipotentiary to negotiate peace and commerce treaties with Great Britain and subsequently authorized him to negotiate an alliance with the Netherlands, as well. Although Https www suntrust online banking attempts to negotiate treaties with the British proved unavailing, in 1782 he finally persuaded the Netherlands to recognize American independence—"the happiest event and the greatest action of my life, past or future." Adams remained abroad as a member of the peace commission and ambassador to the Court of St. James until 1788. On his return to the United States, he found to his surprise that he was widely mentioned as a possible candidate for the office of vice president of the United States.

1788 Election

Although George Washington was the inevitable and unanimous choice for president, there were several contenders for the second office. At the time of the first federal elections, political sentiment was divided between the "Federalists," who supported a strong central government and toward that end had worked to secure the ratification of the Constitution, and the "Antifederalist" advocates of a more limited national government. Adams was the leading Federalist candidate for vice president. The New England Federalists strongly supported him, and he also commanded the allegiance of a few key Antifederalists, including Arthur Lee and Richard Henry Lee of Virginia. Benjamin Rush and William Maclay of Pennsylvania also backed Adams, hinting that he could assure his election by supporting their efforts to locate the national capital in Philadelphia. Other contenders were John Hancock of Massachusetts, whose support for the new Constitution was predicated on his assumption that he would assume the second office, and George Clinton, a New York Antifederalist who later served as vice president under Thomas Jefferson and James Madison.

As much as he coveted the vice presidency, Adams did not actively campaign for the office, refusing the deal proffered by Rush and Maclay. Maclay later explained that the Pennsylvanians played to Adams's "Vanity, and hoped by laying hold of it to render him Useful." They failed to take into account the strong Puritan sense of moral rectitude that prevented Adams from striking such a bargain, even to achieve an office to which he clearly felt entitled. Maclay, who served in the Senate for the first two years of Adams's initial vice-presidential term, never forgave Adams and petulantly noted in his diary that the vice president's "Pride Obstinacy And Folly" were "equal to his Vanity."

The principal threat to Adams came from Federalist leader Alexander Hamilton, who perceived in the New Englander's popularity and uncompromising nature a threat to his own career aspirations. Acting secretly at Hamilton's behest, General Henry Knox tried but failed to persuade Adams that he was too prominent a figure in his own right to serve as Washington's subordinate. When Hamilton realized that Adams commanded the overwhelming support of the New England Federalists and could not be dissuaded, he grudgingly backed his rival but resolved that Adams would not enjoy an overwhelming electoral victory.

Hamilton exploited to his advantage the constitutional provision governing the election of the president and vice president. Article II, section 1 of the Constitution authorized each presidential elector to cast votes "for two Persons, of whom one at least shall not be an Inhabitant of the same State with themselves." The candidate with the greatest number of electoral votes would become president and the candidate with the next-highest number would become vice president. The Constitution's framers created the vice presidency, in part, to keep presidential electors from voting only for state or regional favorites, thus ensuring deadlocks with no candidate receiving a majority vote. By giving each presidential elector two ballots, the framers made it possible to vote for a favorite-son candidate as well as for a more nationally acceptable individual. In the event that no candidate received a majority, as some expected would be the case after George Washington passed from the national stage, the House of Representatives would decide the election from among the five largest vote getters, with each state casting one vote.

The framers, however, had not foreseen the potential complications inherent in this "double-balloting" scheme. Hamilton realized that if each Federalist elector cast one vote for Washington and one for Adams, the resulting tied vote would throw the election into the House of Representatives. Hamilton persuaded several electors to withhold their votes from Adams, ostensibly to ensure Washington a unanimous amazon com omaha steaks victory. Adams was bitterly disappointed when he learned that he had received only 34 electoral votes to Washington's 69, and called his election, "in the scurvy manner in which it was done, a curse rather than a blessing."

Hamilton's duplicity had a more lasting effect on the new vice president's political fortunes: the election confirmed his fear that popular elections in "a populous, oppulent, and commercial nation" would eventually lead to "corruption Sedition and civil war." The remedies he suggested—a hereditary senate and an executive appointed solano property management vacaville ca life—prompted charges by his opponents that the vice president was the "monarchist" enemy of republican government and popular liberties.

The First Vice President

Adams took office as vice president on April 21, 1789. Apart from his legislative and ceremonial responsibilities, he did not assume an active role in the Washington administration. Although relations between the two men were cordial, if somewhat restrained, a combination of personality, circumstance, and principle limited Adams's influence. Adams attended few cabinet meetings, and the president sought his counsel only infrequently. Hesitant to take any action that might be construed as usurping the president's prerogative, he generally forwarded applications for offices in the new government to Washington. As president of the Senate, Adams had no reservations about recommending his friend Samuel Allyne Otis for the position of secretary of the Senate, but he declined to assist Otis's brother-in-law, General Joseph Warren, and Abigail's brother-in-law, Richard Cranch, in obtaining much-needed sinecures. Adams was similarly hesitant when Washington solicited his advice regarding Supreme Court nominations.

Although Washington rarely consulted Adams on domestic or foreign policy matters, the two men, according to Adams biographer, John Ferling, "jointly executed many more of the executive branch's ceremonial undertakings than would be likely for a contemporary president and vice-president." Washington invited the vice president to accompany him on his fall 1789 tour of New England—an invitation that Adams declined, although he met the president in Boston—and to several official dinners. The Washingtons routinely extended their hospitality to John, and to Abigail when she was in the capital, and Adams frequently accompanied the president to the theater.

For his own part, Adams professed a narrow interpretation of the vice who was our first president of the united states role in the new government. Shortly after taking office, he wrote to his friend and supporter Benjamin Lincoln, "The Constitution has instituted two great offices…and the nation at large has created two officers: one who is the first of the two…is placed at the Head of the Executive, the other at the Head of the Legislative." The following year, he informed another correspondent that the office of vice president "is totally detached from the executive authority and confined to the legislative."

But Adams never really considered himself "totally detached" from the executive branch, bike repair at home near me the Senate discovered when he began signing legislative documents as "John Adams, Vice President of the United States." Speaking for a majority of the senators, William Maclay of Pennsylvania quickly called Adams to account. "[A]s President of the Senate only can [y]ou sign or authenticate any Act of that body," he lectured the vice president. Uneasy as some senators were at the prospect of having a member of the executive branch preside over their deliberations, they would permit Adams to certify legislation as president of the Senate, but not as vice president. Never one to acquiesce cheerfully when he believed that important principles were at stake, Adams struck an awkward compromise, signing Senate documents as "John Adams, Vice President of the United States and President of the Senate."

To the extent that Adams remained aloof from the administration, his stance was as much the result of personality and prudence as of principle. He held the president in high personal esteem and generally deferred to the more forceful Washington as a matter of course. Also, as his biographer Page Smith has explained, the vice president always feared that he would become a "scapegoat for all of Washington's unpopular decisions." During the furor over Washington's 1793 proclamation of American neutrality, a weary Adams confided to his wife that he had "held the office of Libellee General long enough."

In the Senate, Adams brought energy and dedication to the presiding officer's chair, but found the task "not quite adapted to my character." Addressing the Senate for the first time on April 21, 1789, he offered the caveat that although "not wholly without experience in public assemblies," he was "more accustomed to take a share in their debates, than to preside in their deliberations." Notwithstanding his lack of experience as a presiding officer, Adams had definite notions regarding the limitations of his office. "It is not for me," he assured the Senate, "to interrupt your deliberations by any general observations on the state of the nation, or by recommending, or proposing any particular measures."

President of the Senate

Adams's resolve was short-lived. His first incursion into the legislative realm occurred shortly after he assumed office, during the Senate debates over titles for the president and executive officers of the new government. Although the House of Representatives agreed in short order that the president should be addressed simply as "George Washington, President of the United States," the Senate debated the issue at some length. Adams repeatedly lectured the Senate that titles were necessary to ensure proper respect for the new government and its officers. Pennsylvania senator William Maclay complained that when the Senate considered the matter on May 8, 1789, the vice president "repeatedly helped the speakers for Titles." The following day, Adams "harangued" the Senate for 40 minutes. "What will the common people of foreign countries, what will the sailors and soldiers say," he argued, "George Washington president of the United States, they will despise him to all eternity." The Senate ultimately deferred to the House on the question of titles, but not before Adams incurred the lasting enmity of the Antifederalists, who saw in his support for titles and ceremony distressing evidence of his "monarchist" leanings.

Adams was more successful in preventing the Senate from asserting a role in the removal of presidential appointees. In the July 14, 1789, debates over the organization of executive departments, several senators agreed with William Maclay that removals of cabinet officers by the president, as well as appointments, should be subject to the advice and consent of the Senate. Adams and his Federalist allies viewed the proposal as an attempt by Antifederalists to enhance the Senate's powers at the bryant park winter village new york city of the executive. After a series of meetings with individual senators, Adams finally convinced Tristram Dalton of Massachusetts to withdraw his support for Maclay's proposal. Richard Bassett of Delaware followed suit. When the Senate decided the question on July 18 in a 9-to-9 associated bank checking account, Adams performed his sole legislative function by casting a tie-breaking vote against Maclay's proposal. His app store card was purely symbolic in this instance, however, as a tie vote automatically defeats a measure.

During the protracted debates over the Residence bill to determine the location of the capital, Adams thwarted another initiative dear to Maclay's heart: a provision to establish the permanent capital "along the banks of the Susquehannah," in convenient proximity to the Pennsylvania senator's extensive landholdings. The disgruntled speculator attributed his defeat to the vice president's tie-breaking votes and the "barefaced partiality" of Adams's rulings from the chair. Maclay was enraged that Adams allowed frequent delays in the September 24, 1789, debates, which permitted Pennsylvania senator Robert Morris, whose sympathies lay with Philadelphia, to lobby other senators against the Susquehannah site. After Morris' motion to strike the provision failed, Adams granted his motion to reconsider over Maclay's strenuous objection that "no business ever could have a decision, if minority members, were permitted to move reconsiderations under every pretense of new argument." Adams ultimately cast the deciding vote in favor of Morris's motion.

The vice president's frequent and pedantic lectures from the chair earned him the resentment of other senators, as well. Shortly after the second session of the First Congress convened in January 1790, John Trumbull warned his friend that he faced growing opposition in the Senate, particularly among the southern senators. Adams's enemies resented his propensity for joining in Senate debates and suspected him of "monarchist" sentiments. Trumbull cautioned that "he who mingles in debate subjects himself to frequent retorts from his opposers, places himself on the same ground with his inferiors in rank, appears too much like the leader of a party, and renders it more difficult for him to support the dignity of the chair and preserve order and regularity in the debate." Although Adams denied that he had ever exceeded the limits of his authority in the Senate, he must have seen the truth in Trumbull's observations, for he assured his confidant that he had "no desire ever to open my mouth again upon any question." Acutely aware of the controversy over his views and behavior, Adams became less an active participant and more an impartial moderator of Senate debates.

Although stung by Trumbull's comments and the censure of less tactful critics, Adams continued to devote a considerable portion of his time and energy to presiding over the Senate; Abigail Adams observed that her husband's schedule "five hours constant sitting in a day for six months together (for he cannot leave his Chair) is pretty tight service."

In the absence of a manual governing Senate debates, Adams looked to British parliamentary procedures for guidance in deciding questions of order. Despite complaints by some senators that Adams demonstrated inconsistency in his rulings, Delaware senator George Read in 1792 praised his "attentive, upright, fair, and unexceptionable" performance as presiding officer, and his "uncommonly exact" attendance in the Senate.

Still, who was our first president of the united states a national figure and Washington's probable successor, Adams remained controversial, particularly as legislative political parties emerged in the 1790s. Although sectional differences had in large part shaped the debates of the First Congress, two distinct parties began to develop during the Second Congress in 1791 to 1793. The Federalists, adopting the name earlier used by supporters of the Constitution, were the conservative, prosperous advocates of a strong central government. They supported Treasury secretary Alexander Hamilton's proposals to assume and fund the states' revolutionary debts, encourage manufactures, and establish a Bank of the United States. Hamilton's fiscal program appealed to the mercantile, financial, and artisan segments of the population but sparked the growth of an agrarian-based opposition party—initially known as Antifederalists and later as "Republicans"—led by Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson. Adams supported Hamilton's fiscal proposals and, with the Federalists still firmly in command of the Senate and the controversy over public finance largely confined to the House of Representatives, he emerged unscathed from the partisan battles over fiscal policy.

The outbreak of the French Revolution prompted a more divisive debate. Republicans greeted the overthrow of the French monarchy with enthusiasm while the Federalists heard in the revolutionaries' egalitarian rhetoric a threat to the order and stability of Europe and America. France's 1793 declaration of war on Great Britain further polarized the argument, with union savings bank mt washington Republicans celebrating each British defeat, the Federalists dreading the consequences of a French victory, and both belligerents preying on American shipping at will. While Washington attempted to hold the United States to a neutral course, his vice president—who considered political parties "the greatest political evil under our Constitution," and whose greatest fear was "a division of the republic into two great parties, each arranged under its leader, and walmart eye center mexico mo measures in opposition to each other"—became, as he had anticipated, the target of concerted Republican opposition.

Adams articulated his thoughts on the French Revolution and its implications for the United States in a series of newspaper essays, the Discourses on Davila. He predicted that the revolution, having abolished the aristocratic institutions necessary to preserve stability and order, was doomed to failure. He warned that the United States would share a similar fate if it failed to honor and encourage with titles and appropriate ceremony its own "natural aristocracy" of talented and propertied public men. Adams even went so far as to predict that a hereditary American aristocracy would be necessary in the event that the "natural" variety failed to emerge. The Davila essays were consistent with Adams's longstanding belief that a strong stabilizing force—a strong executive, a hereditary senate, or a natural aristocracy—was an essential bulwark of popular liberties. They also reflected his recent humiliation at the hands of Alexander Hamilton. Still smarting from his low electoral count in the 1788 presidential election, Adams observed in the 32nd essay that "hereditary succession was attended with fewer evils than frequent elections." As Peter Shaw has noted in his study of Adams's character, "it would be difficult to imagine…a more impolitic act." The Discourses on Davila, together with Adams's earlier support for titles and ceremony, convinced his Republican opponents signal corps keyer tg 34 a he was an enemy of republican government. Rumors that Washington would resign his office once the government was established on a secure footing, and his near death from influenza in the spring of 1790, added to the Republicans' anxiety. In response, they mounted an intense but unsuccessful campaign to unseat Adams in the 1792 presidential election.

Second Term

Persuaded by Hamilton, Jefferson, and Madison to run for a second term, George Washington was again the obvious and unanimous choice for president. Adams was still the preferred vice-presidential candidate of the New England Federalists, but he faced a serious challenge from Republican candidate George Clinton of New York. Although many of his earlier supporters, including Benjamin Rush, joined the opposition in support of Clinton, Adams won reelection with 77 electoral votes to 50 for Clinton. On March 4, 1793, in the Senate Chamber, Washington took the oath of office for a second time. Adams, as always, followed Washington's example but waited until the Third Congress convened on December 2, 1793, to take his second oath of office. No one, apparently, gave much thought to the question of whether or not the nation had a vice president—and a successor to Washington, should he die in office or become incapacitated—during the nine-month interval between these two inaugurations.

Early in Adams's second vice-presidential term, France declared war on Great Britain. Washington's cabinet supported the president's policy of neutrality, but its members disagreed over the implementation of that policy. Hamilton urged the president to issue an immediate proclamation of American neutrality; Jefferson warned that only Congress could issue such a declaration and counseled that delaying the proclamation would force concessions from France and England. Recognizing the United States's commercial dependence on Great Britain, Hamilton proposed that the nation conditionally suspend the treaties that granted France access to U.S. ports and guaranteed French possession of the West Indies. Secretary of State Jefferson insisted that the United States honor its treaty obligations. The secretaries similarly disagreed over extending i did not receive my unemployment direct deposit to the emissary of the French republic, "Citizen" Edmond Genêt.

Adams considered absolute neutrality the only prudent course. As a Federalist, he was no supporter of France, but his reluctance to offend a former ally led him to take a more cautious stance than Hamilton. Although Washington sought his advice, Adams scrupulously avoided public comment; he had "no constitutional vote" in the matter and no intention of "taking any side in it or having my name or opinion quoted about it." After the president decided to recognize Genêt, Adams reluctantly received the controversial Frenchman but predicted that "a little more of this indelicacy and indecency may involve us in a war with all the world."

Although Adams, as vice president, had "no constitutional vote" in the administration's foreign policy, he cast two important tie-breaking foreign policy votes in the Senate, where Republican gains in the 1792 elections had eroded the Federalist majority. In both cases, Adams voted to prevent war with Great Britain and its allies. On March 12, 1794, he voted in favor of an embargo on the domestic sale of vessels and goods seized from friendly nations. The following month, he voted against a bill to suspend American trade with Great Britain. Despite these votes, Adams made every effort to stay aloof from the bitter controversy over foreign policy, remaining silent during the Senate's 1795 debates over the controversial Jay Treaty. Privately, Adams considered the Jay Treaty essential to avert war with Great Britain, but the Federalists still commanded sufficient votes to ratify the treaty without the vice president's assistance.

1796 Election

The popular outcry against the Jay Treaty strengthened Washington's resolve to retire at the end of his second term, and he announced his intentions in September 1796. Although the majority of the Federalists considered Adams the logical choice to succeed Washington, Hamilton preferred their more pliant vice-presidential candidate, former minister to Great Britain Thomas Pinckney. The Republican candidates were Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr. Once again Hamilton proved a greater threat to Adams than the opposition candidates. The Federalists lost the vice presidency because of Hamilton's scheming and came dangerously close to losing the presidency as well. Repeating the tactics he had used to diminish Adams's electoral count in the 1788 election, Hamilton tried to persuade South Carolina's Federalist electors to withhold enough votes from Adams to ensure Thomas Pinckney's election to the presidency. This time, however, the New England Federalist electors learned of Hamilton's plot and withheld sufficient votes mor furniture near me Pinckney to compensate for the lost South Carolina votes. These intrigues resulted in the election of a president and vice president from opposing parties, with president-elect Adams receiving 71 electoral votes to 68 for Thomas Jefferson.

Vice President Adams addressed the Senate for the last time on February 15, 1797. He thanked current and former members for the "candor and favor" they had extended to him during his eight years as presiding officer. Despite the frustrations and difficulties he had experienced as vice president, Adams left the presiding officer's chair with a genuine regard for the Senate that was in large part mutual. He expressed gratitude to the body for the "uniform politeness" accorded him "from every quarter," and declared that he had "never had the smallest misunderstanding with any member of the Senate." Notwithstanding his earlier pronouncements in favor of a hereditary Senate, Adams assured the members that the "eloquence, patriotism, and independence" that he had witnessed had convinced him that "no council more permanent than this…will be necessary, to defend the who was our first president of the united states, liberties, and properties of the people, and to protect the Constitution of the United States." The Senate's February 22 message expressing "gratitude and affection" and praising his "abilities and undeviating impartiality" evoked a frank and emotional response from Adams the following day. The Senate's "generous approbation" of his "undeviating impartiality" had served to "soften asperities, and conciliate animosities, wherever such may unhappily exist," for which the departing vice president offered his "sincere thanks."

President

Adams served as president from 1797 to 1801. He failed to win a second term due to the popular outcry against the repressive Alien and Sedition Acts, which he had reluctantly approved as necessary wartime measures, as well as the rupture in the Federalist Party over the end of hostilities with France. Hamilton was determined to defeat Adams after the president responded favorably to French overtures for peace in 1799, and he was further outraged when Adams purged two of his sympathizers from the cabinet in May 1800. In a letter to Federalist leaders, Hamilton detailed his charges that Adams's "ungovernable indiscretion" and "distempered jealousy" made him unfit for office. With the Federalist Party split between the Hamilton and Adams factions, Adams lost the election. After 35 ballots, the House of Representatives broke the tied vote between Republican presidential candidate Thomas Jefferson and vice-presidential candidate Aaron Burr in Jefferson's favor.

Adams spent the remainder of his life in retirement at his farm in Quincy, Massachusetts. In an attempt allied savings bank contact number vindicate himself from past charges that he was an enemy of American liberties, Adams in 1804 began his Autobiography, which he never finished. He also wrote voluminous letters to friends and former colleagues toward the same end. In 1811 Adams resumed his friendship with Jefferson, and the two old patriots began a lively correspondence that continued for 15 years. Although largely content to observe political events from the seclusion of Quincy and to follow the promising career of his eldest son, John Quincy, Adams briefly resumed his own public career in 1820, when he represented the town of Quincy in the Massachusetts constitutional convention. Adams died at Quincy on July 4, 1826, the 50th anniversary of American independence.

Источник: https://www.senate.gov/about/officers-staff/vice-president/adams-john.htm

Room where Grover Cleveland was born

Room where Grover Cleveland was born
Jonathan Carlucci
Division of Parks and Forestry

Born in this modest house in Caldwell, New Jersey on March 18, 1837, Stephen Grover Cleveland was the 22nd and 24th president of the United States, who was our first president of the united states the only president to serve two non-consecutive terms.  The house was the residence of the minister at the local Presbyterian Church.  Built in 1832, the “Manse,” as it was known, consisted of a two-story frame main section with a one-story kitchen on the east side and a one-story lean-to at the rear.  Simple Federal and Greek Revival details add a touch of sophistication to a simple vernacular building.  The large Cleveland family lived here from 1834 to 1841.  Cleveland began his political career in western New York and rose quickly from mayor of Buffalo in 1881 to president of the United States in 1885.  Defeated by Republican Benjamin Harrison in 1888, he easily won reelection in 1892.  The Democrats did not re-nominate him in 1896; ultimately, he owed his defeat to the deep Depression of 1893.


In 1841, Cleveland’s father moved to a church in Fayetteville, New York, where young Grover (he rarely used his first name) received his schooling.  At the age of 13, he went to work to help family finances after his father became ill.  He abandoned his hopes of attending college when his father died in 1853.  He soon moved to Buffalo, where he worked briefly on his uncle’s farm before entering a local law firm as an apprentice clerk.  In 1859, he passed the bar and opened his own law practice.  He became a prominent lawyer and Democratic politician.  Elected mayor of Buffalo in 1881, he soon developed a reputation as a reformer because of his opposition to corruption and patronage.  As governor of New York from 1883 to 1884, he exhibited bipartisan independence.  He worked closely with Republican Assembly member Theodore Roosevelt to pass municipal reform legislation that gained him national recognition, how to close account td bank angered New York City's powerful Tammany Hall Democratic organization.

Cleveland managed to become the Democratic presidential nominee in 1884 without Tammany support. The campaign was contentious and close.  Cleveland won the popular vote by just one-quarter of one percent, but the electoral votes gave him a majority of 219–182.  A popular chief executive, President Cleveland failed at his first attempt at reelection in 1888, but succeeded four years later.

Grover Cleveland artifacts on display

Grover Cleveland artifacts on display
Jonathan Carlucci
Division of Parks and Forestry

The Presbyterian Church Manse is one of the two oldest houses in Caldwell.  The church enlarged the house several times between 1848 and 1870.  Interest in preserving Cleveland’s birthplace began when he was governor of New York and grew as his political career continued. The birthplace house first opened to the public in 1913.  The State of New Jersey bought the house from the Cleveland Birthplace Memorial Association in 1934 and now operates it as a historic house museum. The Grover Cleveland Birthplace State Historic Site is the only house museum in the country dedicated to the interpretation of President Cleveland’s life. It is the nation’s leading repository of Cleveland artifacts and political memorabilia. Restored to their 1837 appearance when the Cleveland family lived in the house, the first floor rooms offer a glimpse at the modest beginnings of the future president.  Among the artifacts on display from Cleveland’s early years are his cradle and original family portraits.  An exhibition gallery reflects his later life.


Plan your visit

The Grover Cleveland Birthplace is located at 207 Bloomfield Ave., Caldwell, NJ. The Grover Cleveland Birthplace State Historic Site is the only house museum in the country dedicated to the interpretation of President Cleveland’s life. It is the nation’s leading repository of Cleveland artifacts and political memorabilia. It is open to the public free of charge. The birthplace is open year round, Wednesday-Sunday from 10:00am to noon and from 1:00pm to 4:00pm. It is closed for all State and Federal holidays. For more information visit the New Jersey Division of Parks and Forestry Grover Cleveland Birthplace website or call 973-226-0001.

The Grover Cleveland Birthplace has been documented by the National Park Service’s Historic American Buildings Survey.

 
Источник: https://www.nps.gov/nr/travel/presidents/grover_cleveland_birthplace.html

Washington, D.C., has not always looked like it does today. Once it was a sleepy little village with only a few buildings. There were no good roads into the village, and no good docks for boats.

About two hundred years ago, when the United States was a brand-new country, people began to talk about where the president should live. Should the president live in the North or the South? Should the president's house be a palace, like kings live in, or a simpler house?

While Congress debated what to build and where to build it, our first president, George Washington, lived in three houses. The first two were in New York City. The third was in Who was our first president of the united states, Pennsylvania. Finally, Washington decided to compromise. He picked a patch of land on the Potomac River.

Both Maryland and Virginia gave land for the new capital. The land was on the border of the North and the South. At that time, there were no western states! George Washington named the land the District of Columbia, in honor of Christopher Columbus.

President Washington hired people to plan a new city. Washington, D.C., is one of the only cities in the world that was designed before it was built. First, Benjamin Banneker and Andrew Ellicott made maps of the land. Then Pierre Charles L'Enfant decided where who was our first president of the united states put the roads. Washington decided to put the Capitol Building on a hill at one end of the city, and the president's house on a hill at the other end.

Next it was time to decide what kind of house to build for the president. Thomas Jefferson suggested having a contest. He advertised the contest in newspapers across the country. A committee picked a simple but elegant design by James Hoban, a young Irish American architect.

The first stone was laid on October 13, 1792. It took eight years to finish enough of the house to make it livable. The Capitol Building wasn't completed yet, and congressmen lived in boardinghouses surrounded by farmland. John Adams, the second president of the United States, moved into a cold, damp White House in November 1800. Abigail Adams hung her laundry up to dry in the East Room. She thought it would be bad manners to hang the president's laundry outside.

By the time our third president, Thomas Jefferson, moved into the White House in 1801, most of the outside structures were finished. The White House was the largest residential house in America! Jefferson ordered wallpaper and furniture from France. Every president since has ordered special things for the house. Today, you can see chairs that people sat on more than one hundred years ago! During this time, the building was called the President's Palace, and then the President's House.

Then James Madison was elected president. During his term of office, the United States went to war with England. It was the War of 1812. As the British troops got close to Washington, Madison's wife, Dolley, ordered a carriage to pick her up and take her to safety. But she would not leave the house until two men agreed to take down the famous portrait of George Washington. The troops set fire to the Capitol Building and the White House. Today, the picture that Dolley saved is the only thing that has been in the White House since it first opened. When the war was over, the house was rebuilt and repainted white to cover the smoke marks. People began to call it the White House.

Adapted from The Story of the White House by Kate Waters. (Copyright 1991. Published by Scholastic.)

 

History of The White House: An American Treasure

For almost 200 years, the White House has stood as a symbol of the Presidency, the United States government, and the American people. Its history and the history of the nation's capital began when President George Washington signed an Act of Congress in December of 1790 declaring that the federal government would reside in a district "not exceeding ten miles square. . on the river Potomac." President Washington, together with city planner Pierre L'Enfant, chose the site for the new residence, which is not 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. As preparations began for the new federal city, a competition was held to find a builder for the "President's House." Nine proposals were submitted, and Irish-born architect James Hoban won a gold medal for his practical and handsome design.

Construction began when the first cornerstone was laid in October of 1792. Although President Washington oversaw the construction of the house, he never lived in it. It was not until 1800, when the White House was nearly completed, that its first residents, President John Adams and his wife Abigail, moved in. Since that time, each President has made his own changes and additions. The White House is, after all, the President's private home. It is also the only private residence of a head of state that is open to the public free of charge.

The White House has a unique and fascinating history. It survived a fire at the hands of the British in unemployment card services phone number during the War of 1812, and another fire in the West Wing in 1929 while Herbert Hoover was President. Throughout much of Harry S. Truman's presidency, the interior of the house was completely gutted and renovated while the Trumans lived at Blair House, right across Pennsylvania Avenue. Nonetheless, the exterior stone walls are those first put in place when the White House was constructed two centuries ago.

Presidents can express their individual style in how they decorate the house and in how they receive the public numero de amazon usa their stay. Thomas Jefferson held the first Inaugural open house in 1805. Many of those who attended the swearing in ceremony at the U.S. Capitol simply followed him home, where he greeted them in the Blue Room. President Jefferson also opened the house for public tours, and it has remained open, except during wartime, ever since. In addition, he welcomed visitors to annual receptions on New Year's Day and the Fourth of July. In 1829, a horde of 20,000 Inaugural callers forced President Andrew Jackson to flee to the safety of a hotel while, on the lawn, aids filled washtubs with orange juice and whiskey to lure the mob out of the mud-tracked White House.

Soon after Abraham Lincoln's presidency, Inaugural crowds became far too large for the White House to accommodate them comfortably. However, not until Grover Cleveland's first presidency did this unsafe practice change. He held a presidential review of the troops from a flag-draped grandstand built in front of the White House. This procession evolved into the official Inaugural parade we know today. Receptions on New Year's Day and the Who was our first president of the united states of July continued to be held until the early 1930s.

President Clinton's open house on January 21, 1993, renewed a venerable White House Inaugural tradition. Two thousand citizens, selected by lottery, were greeted in the Diplomatic Reception Room by President and Mrs. Clinton and Vice President and Mrs. Gore.

Adapted from "The White House: The House of the People", by the White House Historical Association.

Источник: https://www.scholastic.com/teachers/articles/teaching-content/history-white-house/

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