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Where is latin america

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The Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) is a regional bloc of 33 Latin American and Caribbean states. It was formed at the Unity Summit, which consisted of the 21st Summit of the Rio Group and the 2nd Latin American and Caribbean Summit on Integration and Development (CALC), in the Mayan Riviera, Mexico on 23 February The organization aims to unite all of the Latin American and Caribbean states in order to strengthen the political, social and cultural integration of the region, improve its quality of life, stimulate its economic growth, and advance the well-being of all of its people. CELAC is a successor of the Rio Group and CALC.


The official bodies of the organization are: Summit of Heads of State and Government, Meeting of Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Pro-Tempore Presidency, Specialized Meetings, and the Troika.

Summit of Heads of State and Government meet in the country holding the Pro Tempore Presidency. This body is responsible for designating the next state to serve as Pro Tempore Presidency and to host the following meeting; adopting procedures and strategies to guide the relations with countries outside of CELAC and other international and regional organizations; approving modifications of procedures; establishing action plans; and promoting citizens’ participation in the organization.

The Meeting of Ministers of Foreign Affairs convenes twice a year or more frequently if necessary. Its duties include promoting political dialogue, monitoring the process of unity and integration of the region, adopting resolutions and statements to enforce the decisions of the Summit of Heads of State and Government, synchronizing the joint position of member states, evaluating and observing the enforcement of action plans, approving projects and programs that are to be presented to the Summit of Heads of State and Government, and forming and assigning tasks to working groups.

The Pro Tempore Presidency is held for a period of one year. However, during the Summit, the Heads of State and Government will decide whether to change the term duration. The Presidency’s main responsibilities, are to organize and chair the Summit of Heads of State and Government and the meetings of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and National Coordinators; enforce the decisions of the Summits and the meetings; monitor agreements reached at the meetings; submit for consideration the Biennial Work Programme of CELAC activities; formulate working papers; issue minutes; organize activities; create and present the Annual Reports; and carry on the Community legacy, as well as that of the Rio Group and CALC.

The Meeting of National Coordinators takes place in the country holding the Pro Tempore Presidency, unless states agree otherwise. Meetings coordinate dialogue and political consensus at the national level; facilitate regional integration; monitor cooperation on projects within the organization; organize, coordinate and observe Working Groups; function as the preparatory body for the meetings of Ministers of Foreign Affairs; and report the finding of Working Groups to the Ministers.

National Coordinators serve as a link between the Member States and the Pro Tempore Secretariat by coordinating and directly monitoring topics under discussion, and meet twice a year before the Meeting of Foreign Ministers. Each country is assigned one National Coordinator.

Specialized Meetings are intended to address issues that help promote unity within CELAC, as well as deal with integration and regional cooperation on matters vital to the organization. The Pro Tempore Presidency convenes the meetings and the results are reported to the National Coordinators Meeting that presents them at the meeting of Ministers of Foreign Affairs.

The Troika provides assistance to the Pro Tempore Presidency and is made up of the State currently holding the Presidency, by the former State in this position, and by the State assuming the title.

The Organization’s Position on Terrorism

At the time of the inauguration of CELAC, on 3 December , the Heads of State and Government of Latin America and the Caribbean, emphasized their disapproval of all acts of terrorism and reiterated their pledge to fight terrorism in adherence to International Law, International Rules of Human Rights Protection, and International Humanitarian Law. The Heads of State and Government promised to strengthen their national legislations and cooperate with their international partners to prevent acts of terrorism. In addition, they pledged to take necessary actions to prevent, penalize and eliminate terrorism financing and deny safe haven to those that participate in such activities.

The Heads of State and Government stressed their commitment to the United Nations Global Strategy Against Terrorism. They condemned the person responsible for the terrorist attack in October against the aircraft of Cubana de Avicion, and called for this person to be brought to justice.

The Heads of State and Government encouraged all States to become parties to all agreements and protocols regarding terrorism.

They expressed their desire to create a mechanism within the framework of the United Nations that will provide assistance to the victims of terrorist acts.

The Organization’s Position on Elimination of Nuclear Weapons

At the time of inauguration of CELAC, on 3 December , the Heads of State and Government of Latin America and the Caribbean voiced their concern regarding the threat presented to humankind by the existence of nuclear weapons and the threat or possibility of their use. They reiterated the urgency of complete and verifiable nuclear disarmament, as well as nuclear nonproliferation.

The Heads of State and Government expressed their pride in being a Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone (NWFZ), by means of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean (Treaty of Tlatelolco). In this regard, they called for the Nuclear Weapon States to withdraw all reservations to the Protocols of the Treaty.

The Heads of State and Government asked for the complete and balanced fulfillment of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). They confirmed their pledge to apply comprehensive IAEA safeguards, and encouraged all States to do the same.

They advised all Nuclear Weapon States to accelerate their process of nuclear disarmament. Equally, they recommended that the States that have not ratified and/or signed the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) expedite this process so that the Treaty can be enforced. In addition, the Heads of State and Government called for the start of the negotiations of a treaty to prohibit the Production of Fissile Material.

They reiterated the significance of continuing to draft proposals in order to reach total elimination of nuclear weapons.

The Heads of State and Government expressed their desire to establish a common position on issues related to nuclear nonproliferation, disarmament and the peaceful use of nuclear energy, so that it may be presented at the NPT Review Conference, as well as at the , and Preparatory Committee meetings.

They expressed their commitment to convening an international conference, aiming to establish a program that will lead toward complete elimination of nuclear weapons within specified timeframe. This program will prohibit the development, production, attainment, testing, stockpiling, transfer, use or threat of use of nuclear weapons, as well as require their complete destruction.

The Head of State and Government expressed their gratitude to the Brazilian-Argentine Agency for Accounting and Control of Nuclear Materials (ABACC) for their contribution in the field of nuclear nonproliferation and disarmament. They confirmed their satisfaction with the Nuclear Suppliers Group’s (NSG’s) decision to recognize the Quadripartite Agreement as an alternative to Additional Protocols.


On 14 January, Brazil suspended its membership arguing the organization provided a platform for authoritarian states.

In January, Mexico assumed the pro-tempore presidency of CELAC from Bolivia.

On 14 January, Plurinational State of Bolivia assumed the pro tempore presidency of the CELAC from Cuba.

On 25 January, the 3rd EU-CELAC Workshop on Citizen Security was held in Belize City, Belize. The participants discussed best practices of police and border control cooperation, criminal investigation, and intelligence sharing.

On 22 January, the 2nd China-CELAC Forum was held in Santiago, Chile. The participants stated their goal of strengthening economic globalization and partnering in countering drug trafficking and cybercrimes. CELAC members also unanimously reaffirmed their support for China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

From June, the 20th EU-CELAC meeting of the Coordination and Cooperation Mechanism on Drugs took place in Sofia, Bulgaria. The participants discussed best practices and national strategies related to countering drug trafficking and placed special focus on preventing the distribution of drugs on so-called “darknet” markets.

From July, the 2nd EU-CELAC Foreign Ministers Meeting was held in Brussels, Belgium. The participants adopted a declaration that expressed support for the Paris Climate Agreement, discussed challenges to the Agenda for Sustainable Development, and called for strengthened multilateral cooperation across the globe.

On 7 August, CELAC issued a special communique condemning the 4 August assassination attempt against Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro in Caracas, Venezuela. The statement highlighted its proclamation, signed at the second summit of CELAC in , declaring Latin America a “Zone of Peace,” and condemned what it called terrorist actions against Venezuela.

On 25 January, CELAC member states met in Punta Cana, Dominican Republic for its 5th Summit. The agreement highlighted US-Cuban relations, emphasized multilateralism, and rejected the use of coercive economic policies.

On 2 May, El Salvador delivered a statement on behalf of CELAC to the First Meeting of the Preparatory Committee of the Review Conference to the Treaty on the Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons. The statement emphasized the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons, the need for a legally binding instrument for the abolition of nuclear weapons, and the importance of the entry into force of the CTBT.

On 27 January, the fourth summit of CELAC concluded in Ecuador. The summit focused on topics such as the Zika virus and the current economic crisis.

On 7 October, the Dominican Republic delivered a statement on behalf of CELAC in the First Committee of the UN General Assembly. The statement addressed the need to develop proposals to create concrete legal measures needed to maintain a world free of nuclear weapons.

On 29 January, the CELAC conference concluded in San Jose, Costa Rica. Major topics included the U.S. embargo against Cuba and the inclusion of Puerto Rico in next year’s summit. CELAC also issued the Declaration of Belén, which reaffirmed their commitment to complete nuclear disarmament and to the Treaty of Tlatelolco and OPANAL.

On 27 April, Ambassador Xavier Lasso Mendoza of Ecuador delivered a statement to the NPT Review Conference on behalf of CELAC, reaffirming CELAC’s position on nuclear disarmament and calling for a “legally binding instrument for the prohibition and elimination of nuclear weapons.”

On 30 September, Ecuador delivered a statement on behalf of CELAC at the special meeting of the UNGA to commemorate the International Day for the Total Elimination of Nuclear Weapons. They welcomed the UN’s decision to hold a High Level Conference “no later than to identify measures and actions to eliminate nuclear weapons in the shortest possible term.”

On 12 October, Ecuador issued a statement on behalf of CELAC at the UN General Assembly. They urged for “multilateral, diplomatic” negotiations to create a new “instrument” to completely eliminate nuclear weapons. They also praised the Nuclear-Weapons-Free Zones as an excellent method to increase security and peace in the world.

On 28 January, the summit for CELAC was held in Havana, Cuba. Many speculated that the summit proceedings indicated that the region is distancing itself from the United States. Following the summit, all 33 nations from CELAC adopted a landmark agreement making the region a “zone of peace”. The agreement highlights the Tlatelolco Treaty and the unity of the region.

On 28 January, the second summit for CELAC was held in Santiago, Chile where the presidency was passed from Chile’s Sebastian Pinera to Cuba’s Raul Castro. The summit concluded with a joint declaration and plan of action that included sustainable development, integration and coordination goals. The next annual summit will be held in Havana.

The meeting was preceded by CELAC’s first summit with the EU. The summit focused on collaboration in trade and mutual investment. The EU later expressed that CELAC will be the EU’s “counter-part for the bi-regional partnership process.”

On 7 February , heads of State of CELAC (also party to the Tlatelolco Treaty) pushed for disarmament and pledged to continue their commitment to a nuclear weapons-free world at the High Level Meeting of the United Nations General Assembly on Nuclear Disarmament on 26 September, in New York.

On 1 April, the Cuban delegation representing CELAC made a statement at the session of the UN Disarmament Commission. It reaffirmed CELAC’s commitment to disarmament and encouraged the creation and preservation of Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zones.

On 10 September, at a meeting held in Havana, Cuba, CELAC called for an immediate solution to the crisis in Syria. CELAC condemned the use of chemical weapons while emphasizing that any action taken in Syria must be undertaken by the UN Security Council in accordance with the UN Charter.

On 2 April, Octavio Errazuriz, representative of Chile, addressed the UN Disarmament Commission on behalf of CELAC, announcing that Latin America had become the first densely-populated nuclear-weapon-free zone and urging the nuclear-weapon States to withdraw all reservations to the Treaty of Tlatelolco. In addition, CELAC reaffirmed the rights of states to develop peaceful uses of nuclear energy and called upon all Annex II states that had not yet ratified the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) to do so.

On 3 December, leaders of 33 Latin American and Caribbean states met in Caracas to inaugurate a new regional bloc, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) .The new alliance greatly resembles the Organization of American States (OAS), with the absence of the United States and Canada. While the host of the summit, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, is greatly critical of the OAS and the dominance of the United States within the OAS, other leaders of CELAC believe that the new bloc should not replace the OAS. They instead view CELAC as a forum for regional discussions and cooperation. The attendants of the summit addressed their concerns related to the economic crises, drug trafficking, and climate change. In addition, they agreed to oppose the U.S. trade embargo on Cuba.

The members approved the Plan of Action, known as the Caracas Declaration, covering various topics similar to those of OAS. However, the leaders were unable to reach a consensus on a decision-making process within the organization. At present, it is consensus-based. The president of Chile, Sebastian Pinera, took the chair of a rotating presidency.n Pinera, took the chair of a rotating presidency.


Latin Americans

Native people to Latin America and/or citizens of the Latin American countries and dependencies

For the pan-ethnic demographic group in the United States, see Hispanic and Latino Americans.

or more (in )[1][2]
Latin America
&#;Dominican Republic10,,
&#;El Salvador6,,
&#;Costa Rica4,,
&#;Puerto Rico3,,
&#;United States+60,,[6][7]
&#;United Kingdom,[13]
Primarily Spanish and Portuguese
Regionally Haitian Creole, Quechua, Mayan languages, Guaraní, French, Aymara, Nahuatl and others

Latin Americans (Spanish: Latinoamericanos; Portuguese: Latino-americanos; French: Latino-américains) are the citizens of Latin American countries (or people with cultural, ancestral or national origins in Latin America). Latin American countries and their diasporas are multi-ethnic and multi-racial, Latin Americans are a pan-ethnicity consisting of people of different ethnic and national backgrounds. As a result, some Latin Americans do not take their nationality as an ethnicity, but identify themselves with a combination of their nationality, ethnicity and their ancestral origins.[18] Aside from the indigenous Amerindian population, all Latin Americans have some ancestors who immigrated since Latin America has the largest diasporas of Spaniards, Portuguese, Black Africans, Italians, Lebanese and Japanese in the world.[19][20][21] The region also has large German (second largest after the United States),[22]French and Jewish diasporas.

The specific ethnic and/or racial composition varies from country to country and diaspora community to diaspora community: many have a predominance of European-Amerindian or mestizo, population; in others, Amerindians are a majority; some are mostly inhabited by people of European ancestry; others are primarily mulatto.[18][23] Various black, Asian and zambo (mixed black and Amerindian) minorities are also identified in most countries.[23] The largest single group are White Latin Americans.[18] Together with the people of part European ancestry, they combine for almost the totality of the population.[18]

Latin Americans and their descendants can be found almost everywhere in the world, particularly in densely populated urban areas. The most important migratory destinations for Latin Americans are found in the United States, Spain, Canada, Italy and Japan.


Main article: Latin America

Latin America (Spanish: América Latina or Latinoamérica; Portuguese: América Latina; French: Amérique latine) is the region of the Americas where Romance languages (i.e., those derived from Latin)—particularly Spanish and Portuguese, as well as French—are primarily spoken.[24][25]

It includes 21 countries or territories: Mexico in North America; Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Panama in Central America; Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay, Chile, Argentina and Uruguay in South America; and Cuba, Haiti, the Dominican Republic and Puerto Rico in the Caribbean—in summary, Hispanic America, plus Brazil, and Haiti. Canada and the United States, despite having a sizeable Romance-speaking communities, are almost never included in the definition, primarily for being predominantly English-speaking Anglosphere countries.

Latin America, therefore, can be defined as all those parts of the Americas that were once part of the Spanish, Portuguese or French colonial empires,[26] namely New Spain, Colonial Brazil and New France.


Ethnic and Racial groups[edit]

Main article: Race and ethnicity in Latin America

The population of Latin America comprises a variety of ancestries, ethnic groups, and races, making the region one of the most diverse in the world. The specific composition varies from country to country: many have a predominance of European-Amerindian, or mestizo, population; in others, Amerindian are a majority; some are dominated by inhabitants of European ancestry; and some countries' populations are primarily mulatto. black, Asian, and zambo (mixed black and Amerindian) minorities are also identified regularly. White Latin Americans are the largest single group, accounting for more than one-third of the population.[18][29]

  • Asians. People of Asian descent number several million in Latin America. The first Asians to settle in the region were Filipino, as a result of Spain's trade involving Asia and the Americas. Most Asian Latin Americans are of Japanese or Chinese ancestry and reside mainly in Brazil and Peru; there is also a growing Chinese minority in Panama. Brazil is home to perhaps two million people of Asian descent, which includes the largest ethnic Japanese community outside Japan itself, estimated as high as &#;million, and circa , ethnic Chinese and , ethnic Koreans.[30][31] Ethnic Koreans also number tens of thousands of individuals in Argentina and Mexico.[32] Peru, with &#;million people of Asian descent,[33][34] has one of the largest Chinese communities in the world, with nearly one million Peruvians being of Chinese ancestry. There is a strong ethnic-Japanese presence in Peru, where a past president and a number of politicians are of Japanese descent. The Martiniquais population includes an African-white-Amerindian mixed population, and an East Indian (Asian Indian) population is also present in Martinique.[35] In Guadeloupe, an estimated 14% of the population is East Asian.
  • Blacks. Millions of African slaves were brought to Latin America from the 16th century onward, most of whom were sent to the Caribbean region and Brazil. Today, people identified as "black" are most numerous in Brazil (more than 10&#;million) and in Haiti (more than 7&#;million).[36] Significant populations are also found in Cuba, Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, Panama, and Colombia. Latin Americans of mixed black and white ancestry, called mulattoes, are far more numerous than blacks.
  • Amerindians. The indigenous population of Latin America, the Amerindians, arrived during the Lithic stage. In post-Columbian times they experienced tremendous population decline, particularly in the early decades of colonization. They have since recovered in numbers, surpassing sixty million (by some estimates[29]), though with the growth of the other groups meanwhile, they now compose a majority only in Bolivia, and Peru. In Guatemala, the Amerindians are a large minority that comprises 41% of the population.[37]Mexico's 21% (% in the official census) is the next largest ratio, and one of the largest Amerindian population in the Americas in absolute numbers. Most of the remaining countries have Amerindian minorities, in every case making up less than one-tenth of the respective country's population. In many countries, people of mixed Amerindian and European ancestry, known as mestizos, make up the majority of the population.
  • Mestizos. Intermixing between Europeans and Amerindians began early in the colonial period and was extensive. The resulting people, known as mestizos, make up the majority of the population in half of the countries of Latin America. Additionally, mestizos compose large minorities in nearly all the other mainland countries.
  • Mulattoes. Mulattoes are people of mixed European and African ancestry, mostly descended from Spanish or Portuguese settlers on one side and African slaves on the other, during the colonial period. Brazil is home to Latin America's largest mulatto population. Mulattoes form a majority in the Dominican Republic, and are also numerous in Cuba, Puerto Rico, Nicaragua, Panama, Peru, Colombia and Ecuador. Smaller populations of mulattoes are found in other Latin American countries.[29]
  • Whites. Beginning in the late 15th century, large numbers[18] of Iberian colonists settled in what became Latin America (Portuguese in Brazil and Spaniards elsewhere in the region), and at present most white Latin Americans are of Spanish, Portuguese or Italian ancestry. Iberians brought the Spanish and Portuguese languages, the Catholic faith, and many Iberian traditions. Brazil, Argentina, Mexico and Venezuela contain the largest numbers of whites in Latin America in pure numbers.[18] Whites make up the majority of the population of Argentina, Costa Rica, Cuba, and Uruguay; whites make up roughly half of Brazil's, Chile's and Venezuela's population as well.[18][38] Of the millions of immigrants since most of Latin America gained independence in the s–s, Italians formed the largest group, and next were Spaniards and Portuguese.[39] Many others arrived, such as French, Germans, Greeks, Poles, Ukrainians, Russians, Croats, Serbs, Latvians, Lithuanians, English, Jews, Irish and Welsh. Also included are Middle Easterners of Lebanese, Syrian, and Palestinian descent; most of them are Christian.[40] Whites presently compose the largest racial group in Latin America (36% in the table herein), and, whether as white, mestizo or mulatto, the vast majority of Latin Americans have white ancestry.[41]
  • Zambos: Intermixing between Africans and Amerindians was especially prevalent in Colombia and Brazil, often due to slaves running away (becoming cimarrones: maroons) and being taken in by Amerindian villagers. In Spanish-speaking nations, people of this mixed ancestry are known as zambos,[42] and they are also known as cafuzos in Brazil.
  • Multi-ethnic/Multi-racials: In addition to the foregoing groups, Latin America also has millions of multiracial peoples (Triracial/Quadracial) of mixed white (European or Middle Eastern), African, Native Amerindian, and Asian (Japanese, Chinese, Filipino and Indian) ancestry. Most are found in Colombia, Puerto Rico and Brazil, with a much smaller presence in other countries and parts of Mexico. In Brazil they are called pardos. This intermixing inspired Mexican philosopher José Vasconcelos to publish an essay in titled "La Raza Cósmica" (The Cosmic Race). The essay expressed the ideology of a future "fifth race" in the Americas; an agglomeration of all the races in the world with no respect to color or number to erect a new civilization: Universópolis. Genetic studies have shown results of various degrees of admixture between various ethnic groups that has taken place throughout Latin America since the arrival of Spanish and other European explorers commencing in
Country Population[1][2]AmerindiansWhitesMestizosMulattoesBlacksZambosAsians
&#;Bolivia11,, %%%%%%%
&#;Costa Rica4,,%%%%%%%
&#;Dominican Republic10,,%%% %%%%
&#;El Salvador6,,%% %%%%%
&#;Puerto Rico3,,%%%%%%%
&#;Haiti11,,% %%%%%%[44]

Note: Puerto Rico is a territory of the United States.

Racial groups according to self-identification[edit]

The Latinobarómetro surveys have asked respondents in 18 Latin American countries what race they considered themselves to belong to. The figures shown below are averages for through [45]

1Don't know/No response.
2Weighted using population.


Linguistic map of Latin America. Spanish in green, Portuguese in orange, and French in blue.

Spanish and Portuguese are the predominant languages of Latin America. Spanish is the official language of most of the countries on the Latin American mainland, as well as in Puerto Rico (where it is co-official with English), Cuba and the Dominican Republic. Portuguese is spoken only in Brazil, the biggest and most populous country in the region. French is spoken in Haiti, as well as in the French overseas departments of French Guiana in South America and Guadeloupe and Martinique in the Caribbean. Dutch is the official language of some Caribbean islands and in Suriname on the continent; however, as Dutch is a Germanic language, these territories are not considered part of Latin America.

Amerindian languages are widely spoken in Peru, Guatemala, Bolivia, Paraguay, and to a lesser degree, in Mexico, Chile and Ecuador. In Latin American countries not named above, the population of speakers of indigenous languages is small or non-existent.

In Peru, Quechua is an official language, alongside Spanish and any other indigenous language in the areas where they predominate. In Ecuador, while holding no official status, the closely related Quichua is a recognized language of the indigenous people under the country's constitution; however, it is only spoken by a few groups in the country's highlands. In Bolivia, Aymara, Quechua and Guaraní hold official status alongside Spanish. Guarani is, along with Spanish, an official language of Paraguay, and is spoken by a majority of the population (who are, for the most part, bilingual), and it is co-official with Spanish in the Argentine province of Corrientes. In Nicaragua, Spanish is the official language, but, on the country's Caribbean coast English and indigenous languages such as Miskito, Sumo, and Rama also hold official status. Colombia recognizes all indigenous languages spoken within its territory as official, though fewer than 1% of its population are native speakers of these. Nahuatl is one of the 62 native languages spoken by indigenous people in Mexico that are officially recognized by the government as "national languages" along with Spanish.

Other European languages spoken in Latin America include: English, by some groups in Argentina, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Panama and Puerto Rico, as well as in nearby countries that may or may not be considered Latin American, such as Belize and Guyana; English is also used as a major foreign language in Latin American commerce and education. Other languages spoken in parts of Latin America include German in southern Brazil, southern Chile, Argentina, portions of northern Venezuela and Paraguay; Italian in Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Venezuela; Polish, Ukrainian and Russian in southern Brazil; and Welsh[46][47][48][49][50][51] in southern Argentina. Hebrew and Yiddish are used by Jewish diasporas in Argentina and Brazil.

In several nations, especially in the Caribbean region, creole languages are spoken. The most widely spoken creole language in the Caribbean and Latin America in general is Haitian Creole, the predominant language of Haiti; it is derived primarily from French and certain West African tongues with Amerindian, English, Portuguese and Spanish influences as well. Creole languages of mainland Latin America, similarly, are derived from European languages and various African tongues.


Main article: Religion in Latin America

Procession of Our Lord and the Virgin of the Miracle in Salta city.

The vast majority of Latin Americans are Christians (90%),[52] mostly Roman Catholics.[53] About 71% of the Latin American population consider themselves Catholic.[54] Membership in Protestant denominations is increasing, particularly in Brazil, Guatemala and Puerto Rico. Argentina hosts the largest communities of both Jews[55][56][57] and Muslims[58][59][60] in Latin America. Indigenous religions and rituals are practiced in countries with large Amerindian populations, especially Bolivia, Guatemala, Mexico and Peru, and Afro-Latin American religions such as Santería, Candomblé, Umbanda, Macumba and Vodou are practiced in countries with large Afro-Latin American populations, especially Cuba, Brazil and Haiti. Latin America constitutes, in absolute terms, the world's second largest Christian population, after Europe.[61][4]


See also: Latino Americans, Latin American Canadians, Latin Americans in the United Kingdom, Latin American Australians, and Latin American Asian

According to the Colombian census or DANE, about 3,, Colombians currently live abroad.[62] The number of Brazilians living overseas is estimated at about 2&#;million people.[63] An estimated to two million Salvadorians reside in the United States.[64] At least &#;million Ecuadorians have gone abroad, mainly to the United States and Spain.[65] Approximately &#;million Dominicans live abroad, mostly in the United States.[66] More than &#;million Cubans live abroad, most of them in the United States.[67] It is estimated that over , Chileans live abroad, mainly in Argentina, Canada, United States and Spain. Other Chilean nationals may be located in countries like Costa Rica, Mexico and Sweden.[68] An estimated , Bolivians were living in Argentina as of and another 33, in the United States.[69] Central Americans living abroad in were 3,,,[70] of which 1,, were Salvadorans,[71] , were Guatemalans,[72] , were Nicaraguans,[73] , were Hondurans,[74] , were Panamanians[75] and , were Costa Rica.[76]

As of , Costa Rica and Chile were the only two countries with global positive migration rates.[77]

Notable Latin Americans[edit]

Main article: List of Latin Americans

See also[edit]


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  2. ^ abcd""Overall total population" – World Population Prospects: The Revision"(xslx). (custom data acquired via website). United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division. Retrieved November 9,
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  6. ^"United States - Selected Population Profile in the United States (Brazilian ())". American Community Survey 1-Year Estimates. United States Census Bureau. Archived from the original on Retrieved
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  10. ^"Registered Foreigners in Japan by Nationality"(PDF). Statistics Bureau. Archived from the original(PDF) on 24 August Retrieved 7 November
  11. ^"Alemania - Emigrantes totales". Retrieved 20 June
  12. ^"No Longer Invisible: The Latin American community in London"(PDF). Trust for London. Archived from the original(PDF) on 21 March Retrieved 19 May
  14. ^"Redirect to Census data page". Retrieved 22 September
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  16. ^"Religion in Latin America".
  17. ^ abcdefghiLizcano Fernández, Francisco (May–August ). "Composición Étnica de las Tres Áreas Culturales del Continente Americano al Comienzo del Siglo XXI"(PDF). Convergencia (in Spanish). Mexico: Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México, Centro de Investigación en Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades. 38: –, table on p. ISSN&#; Archived from the original(PDF) on [page range too broad]
  18. ^Pozzetta, George E., Bruno Ramirez, and Robert F. Harney. The Italian Diaspora: Migration across the Globe. Toronto: Multicultural History Society of Ontario,
  19. ^King, Russell (). "Report: The Italian Diaspora". Area. 10 (5): JSTOR&#;
  20. ^"Fact Sheet 3. Brazil - the Country and its People"(PDF). Embassy of Brazil in London - Schools' Pack, Brazil . Archived from the original(PDF) on 26 December
  21. ^Wilhelm Bleek (). "Auslandsdeutsche" [Germans abroad] (in German). German Federal Agency for Civic Education. Archived from the original on
  22. ^ ab"América Latina". [2].
  23. ^Colburn, Forrest D (). Latin America at the End of Politics. Princeton University Press. ISBN&#;.
  24. ^"Latin America."The New Oxford Dictionary of English. Pearsall, J., ed. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press; p. "The parts of the American continent where Spanish or Portuguese is the main national language ( and, in effect, the whole of Central and South America including many of the Caribbean islands)."
  25. ^Rangel, Carlos (). The Latin Americans: Their Love-Hate Relationship with the United States. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. pp.&#;3–5. ISBN&#;.Skidmore, Thomas E.; Peter H. Smith (). Modern Latin America (6&#;ed.). Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. pp.&#;1– ISBN&#;.
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  27. ^Departamento de Derecho y Ciencias Políticas de la Universidad Nacional de La Matanza (14 November ). "Historias de inmigrantes italianos en Argentina" (in Spanish).
  28. ^ abc"CIA&#;— The World Factbook -- Field Listing&#;— Ethnic groups". Retrieved
  29. ^Shoji, Rafael (), "Reinterpretação do Budismo Chinês e Coreano no Brasil"(PDF), Revista de Estudos da Religião (Nº 3), pp.&#;74–87, ISSN&#;, retrieved
  30. ^"Japan-Brazil Relations". Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. Retrieved 22 September
  31. ^재외동포현황/Current Status of Overseas Compatriots, South Korea: Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, , archived from the original on , retrieved
  32. ^":: Overseas Compatriot Affairs Commission, R.O.C.&#;::". Archived from the original on Retrieved
  33. ^"DESAFIOS-QUE-NOS-ACERCAN — Noticias — Universia Perú". Archived from the original on Retrieved
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  38. ^"South America&#;:: Postindependence overseas immigrants". Britannica Online Encyclopedia. Retrieved
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  • As there are still many varieties of the plant grown in America, so there doubtless was when cultivated by the Indians.

    Tobacco; Its History, Varieties, Culture, Manufacture and Commerce January 8, E. R. Billings.

  • British Dictionary definitions for Latin America


    those areas of America whose official languages are Spanish and Portuguese, derived from Latin: South America, Central America, Mexico, and certain islands in the Caribbean

    Collins English Dictionary - Complete & Unabridged Digital Edition © William Collins Sons & Co. Ltd. , © HarperCollins Publishers , , , , , , ,

    Cultural definitions for Latin America

    A term applied to all of the Spanish- or Portuguese-speaking nations south of the United States.

    The New Dictionary of Cultural Literacy, Third Edition Copyright © by Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company. Published by Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company. All rights reserved.


    Latin America

    Region of the Americas where Romance languages are primarily spoken

    "Latinoamérica" redirects here. For Latin American, see Latin American. For the song, see Latinoamérica (song).

    Latin America (orthographic projection).svg
    Area20,&#;km2 (7,&#;sq&#;mi)[1]
    Population, ( est.)[2][3][b]
    Population density31/km2 (80/sq&#;mi)
    Ethnic groups
    DemonymLatin American
    LanguagesRomance languages
    Quechua, Mayan languages, Guaraní, Aymara, Nahuatl, Haitian Creole, German, English, Dutch, Welsh, Ukrainian, Polish, Russian, Yiddish, Greek, Chinese, Korean, Japanese, Others
    Time zonesUTC−2 to UTC−8
    Largest cities(Metro areas)[5][6]
    1. São Paulo
    2. Mexico City
    3. Buenos Aires
    4. Rio de Janeiro
    5. Bogotá
    6. Lima
    7. Santiago
    8. Guadalajara
    9. Monterrey
    Belo Horizonte
    UN M49 code – Latin America
    – Americas
    – World

    Latin America[a] is the portion of the Americas comprising countries and regions where Romance languages—languages that derived from Latin—such as Spanish, Portuguese, and French are predominantly spoken.[7] The term is used for those places once ruled under the Spanish, Portuguese, and French empires. Parts of the United States and Canada where Romance languages are primarily spoken are not usually included due to being collectively grouped as Anglo-America (an exception to this is Puerto Rico, which is almost always included within the definition of Latin America despite being a territory of the United States). The term is broader than categories such as Hispanic America, which specifically refers to Spanish-speaking countries; and Ibero-America, which specifically refers to both Spanish and Portuguese-speaking countries. The term is also more recent in origin.

    The term Latin America was first used in an conference called "Initiative of America: Idea for a Federal Congress of the Republics" (Iniciativa de la América. Idea de un Congreso Federal de las Repúblicas),[8] by the Chilean politician Francisco Bilbao. The term was further popularized by French Emperor Napoleon III's government in the s as Amérique latine to justify France's military involvement in the Second Mexican Empire and to include French-speaking territories in the Americas such as French Canada, French Louisiana, or French Guiana, in the larger group of countries where Spanish and Portuguese languages prevailed.[9]

    Latin America consists of 20 countries and 14 dependent territories that cover an area that stretches from Mexico to Tierra del Fuego and includes much of the Caribbean. It has an area of approximately 19,&#;km2 (7,&#;sq mi),[1] almost 13% of the Earth's land surface area. As of March 2,the population of Latin America and the Caribbean was estimated at more than &#;million,[10] and inLatin America had a combined nominal GDP of US$5,&#;million[11] and a GDP PPP of US$10,&#;million.[11][12]

    Etymology and definitions[edit]


    There is no universal agreement on the origin of the term Latin America. The concept and term came into being in the nineteenth century, following political independence of countries from Spain and Portugal. It was popularized in s France during the reign of Napoleon III. The term Latin America was a part of its attempt to allied savings bank contact number a French empire in the Americas.[13] Research has shown that the idea that a part of the Americas has a linguistic and cultural affinity with the Romance cultures as a whole can be traced back to the s, in the writing of the French Saint-SimonianMichel Chevalier, who postulated that this part of the Americas was inhabited by people of a "Latin race", and that it could, therefore, ally itself with "Latin Europe", ultimately overlapping farmers state bank cedar rapids Latin Church, in a struggle with "Teutonic Europe", "Anglo-Saxon America," and "Slavic Europe."[14]

    Historian John Leddy Phelan located the origins of the term Latin America in the French occupation of Mexico. His argument is that French imperialists used the concept of "Latin" America as a way to counter British imperialism, as well as to challenge the German threat to France.[15] The idea of a "Latin race" was then taken up by Latin American intellectuals and political leaders of the mid- and late-nineteenth century, who no longer looked to Spain or Portugal as cultural models, but rather to France.[16] French ruler Napoleon III had a strong interest in extending French commercial and political power in the region he and his business promoter Felix Belly called it "Latin America" to emphasize the shared Latin background of France with the former Viceroyalties of Spain and colonies of Portugal. This led to Napoleon's failed attempt to take military control of Mexico in the s.[9]

    However, though Phelan's thesis is still frequently rabobank secure login in the US Academy, further scholarship has shown earlier usage of the term. Two Latin American historians, Uruguayan Arturo Ardao and Chilean Miguel Rojas Mix found evidence that the term "Latin America" where is latin america used earlier than Phelan claimed, and the first use of the term was in fact in opposition to imperialist projects in the Americas. Ardao wrote about this subject in his book Génesis de la idea y el nombre de América latina (Genesis of the Idea and the Name of Latin America, ),[17] and Miguel Rojas Mix in his article "Bilbao y el hallazgo de América latina: Unión continental, socialista y libertaria" (Bilbao and the Finding of Latin America: a Continental, Socialist and Libertarian Union, ).[18] As Michel Gobat points out in his article "The Invention of Latin America: A Transnational History of Anti-Imperialism, Democracy, and Race", "Arturo Ardao, Miguel Rojas Mix, and Aims McGuinness have revealed [that] the term 'Latin America' had already been used in by Central Americans and South Americans protesting US expansion into the Southern Hemisphere".[19] Edward Shawcross summarizes Ardao's and Rojas Mix's findings in the following way: "Ardao identified the term in a poem by a Colombian diplomat and intellectual resident in France, José María Torres Caicedo, published on 15 February in a French based Spanish-language newspaper, while Rojas Mix located it in a speech delivered in France by the radical liberal Chilean politician Francisco Bilbao in June ".[20]

    By the late s, the term was being used in California (which was now a part of the United States), in local newspapers such as El Clamor Público by Californios writing about América latina and latinoamérica, and identifying as latinos as the abbreviated term for their "hemispheric membership in la raza latina".[21]

    The words "Latin" and "America" were first combined in a printed work to produce the term "Latin America" in in a conference by the Chilean politician Francisco Bilbao in Paris.[22] The conference had the title "Initiative of the America. Idea for a Federal Congress of Republics."[8] The following year the Colombian writer José María Torres Caicedo also used the term in his poem "The Two Americas".[23] Two events related with the United Where is latin america played a central role in both works. The first event happened less than a decade before the publication of Bilbao's and Torres Caicedo works: the Invasion of Mexico or, in USA the Mexican–American War, after which Mexico lost a third of its territory. The second event, the Walker affair, happened the same year both works were written: the decision by US president Franklin Pierce to recognize the regime recently established in Nicaragua by American William Walker and his band of filibusters who ruled Nicaragua for nearly a year (–57) and attempted to reinstate slavery there, where it had been already abolished for three decades

    In both Bilbao's and Torres Caicedo's works, the Mexican–American War (–48 and William Walker's expedition to Nicaragua are explicitly mentioned as examples of dangers for the region. For Bilbao, "Latin America" was not a geographical concept, since he excluded Brazil, Paraguay, and Mexico. Both authors also ask for the union of all Latin American countries as the only way to defend their territories against further foreign US interventions. Both rejected also European imperialism, claiming that the return of European countries to non-democratic forms of government was another danger for Latin American countries, and used the same word to describe the state of European politics at the time: "despotism." Several years later, during the French invasion of Mexico, Bilbao wrote another work, "Emancipation of the Spirit in America," where he asked all Latin American countries to support the Mexican cause against France, and rejected French imperialism in Asia, Africa, Europe and the Americas. He asked Latin American intellectuals to search for their "intellectual emancipation" by abandoning all French ideas, claiming that France was: "Hypocrite, because she [France] calls herself protector of the Latin race just to subject it to her exploitation regime; treacherous, because she speaks of freedom and nationality, when, unable to conquer freedom for herself, she enslaves others instead!"[24] Therefore, as Michel Gobat puts it, the term Latin America itself had an "anti-imperial genesis," and their creators were far from supporting any form of imperialism in the region, or in any other place of the globe.

    In France the term Latin America was used with the opposite intention. It was employed by the French Empire of Napoleon III during the French invasion of Mexico as a way to include France among countries with influence in the Americas and to exclude Anglophone countries. It played a role in his campaign to imply cultural kinship of the region with France, transform France into a cultural and political leader of the area, and install Maximilian of Habsburg as emperor of the Second Mexican Empire.[25] This term was also used in by French scholars in La revue des races Latines, a magazine dedicated to the Pan-Latinism movement.[26]

    Contemporary definitions[edit]

    The four common subregions in Latin America

    The distinction between Latin America and Anglo-America is a convention based on the predominant languages in the Americas by which Romance-language and English-speaking cultures are distinguished. Neither area is culturally or linguistically homogeneous; in substantial portions of Latin America (e.g., highland Peru, Bolivia, Mexico, Guatemala), Native Pokemon trading card game online not loading cultures and, to a lesser extent, Amerindian languages, are predominant, and in other areas, the influence of African cultures is strong (e.g., the Caribbean basin&#;&#; including parts of Colombia and Venezuela).

    The term is not without controversy. Historian Mauricio Tenorio-Trillo explores at length the "allure and power" of the idea of Latin America. He remarks at the outset, "The idea of 'Latin America' ought to have vanished with the obsolescence of racial theory But it is not easy to declare something dead when it can hardly be said to have existed," going on to say, "The term is here to stay, and it is important."[34] Following in the tradition of Chilean writer Francisco Bilbao, who excluded Brazil, Argentina and Paraguay from his early conceptualization of Latin America,[35] Chilean historian Jaime Eyzaguirre has criticized the term Latin America for "disguising" and "diluting" the Spanish character of a region (i.e. Hispanic America) with the inclusion of nations that according to him do not share the same pattern of conquest and colonization.[36]

    Subregions and countries[edit]

    Latin America can be subdivided into several subregions based on geography, politics, demographics and culture. It is defined as all of the Americas south of the United States, the basic geographical subregions are North America, Central America, the Caribbean and South America;[37] the latter contains further politico-geographical subdivisions such as the Southern Cone, the Guianas and the Andean states. It may be subdivided on linguistic grounds into Spanish America, Portuguese America and French America.

    FlagArmsCountry/Territory Capital(s)Name(s) in official language(s)Population
    Time(s) zone(s)Subregion
    Coat of arms of
    ArgentinaBuenos AiresArgentina44,2,16UTC/GMT -3 hoursSouth America
    Coat of arms of
    BoliviaSucre and La PazBolivia; Buliwya; Wuliwya; Volívia11,1,10UTC/GMT -4 hoursSouth America
    Coat of arms of
    BrazilBrasíliaBrasil,8,25UTC/GMT -2 hours (Fernando de Noronha)
    UTC/GMT -3 hours (Brasília)
    UTC/GMT -4 hours (Amazonas)
    UTC/GMT -5 hours (Acre)
    South America
    Coat of arms of
    ChileSantiagoChile18,,25UTC/GMT -3 hours (Magallanes and Chilean Antarctica)
    UTC/GMT -4 hours (Continental Chile)
    UTC/GMT -5 hours (Easter Island)
    South America
    Coat of arms of
    ColombiaBogotáColombia49,1,43UTC/GMT -5 hoursSouth America
    Coat of arms of Costa
    Costa RicaSan JoséCosta Rica4,51,98UTC/GMT -6 hoursCentral America
    Coat of arms of
    CubaHavanaCuba11,,UTC/GMT -4 hoursCaribbean
    Coat of arms of the Dominican
    Dominican RepublicSanto DomingoRepública Dominicana10,48,UTC/GMT -4 hoursCaribbean
    Coat of arms of
    EcuadorQuitoEcuador17,,67UTC/GMT -5 hoursSouth America
    Coat of arms of El
    El SalvadorSan SalvadorEl Salvador6,21,UTC/GMT -6 hoursCentral America
    Coat of arms of French
    French Guiana*CayenneGuyane,83,3UTC/GMT -3 hoursSouth America
    Coat of arms of
    Guadeloupe*Basse-TerreGuadeloupe,1,UTC/GMT -4 hoursCaribbean
    Coat of arms of
    GuatemalaGuatemala CityGuatemala17,,UTC/GMT -6 hoursCentral America
    Coat of arms of
    HaitiPort-au-PrinceHaïti; Ayiti11,27,UTC/GMT -4 hoursCaribbean
    Coat of arms of
    HondurasTegucigalpaHonduras9,,85UTC/GMT -6 hoursCentral America
    Martinique*Fort-de-FranceMartinique,1,UTC/GMT -4 hoursCaribbean
    Coat of arms of
    MexicoMexico CityMéxico,1,64UTC/GMT -5 hours (Zona Sureste)
    UTC/GMT -6 hours (Zona Centro)
    UTC/GMT -7 hours (Zona Pacífico)
    UTC/GMT -8 hours (Zona Noroeste)
    North America
    Coat of arms of
    NicaraguaManaguaNicaragua6,,50UTC/GMT -6 hoursCentral America
    Coat of arms of
    PanamaPanama CityPanamá4,75,55UTC/GMT -5 hoursCentral America
    Coat of arms of
    ParaguayAsunciónParaguay; Tetã Paraguái6,,17UTC/GMT -4 hoursSouth America
    Escudo nacional del Perú.svg
    PeruLimaPerú; Piruw31,1,25UTC/GMT -5 hoursSouth America
    Coat of arms of the Commonwealth of Puerto
    Puerto Rico*San JuanPuerto Rico3,8,UTC/GMT -4 hoursCaribbean
    Blason St Barthélémy TOM
    Saint Barthélemy*GustaviaSaint-Barthélemy9,25UTC/GMT -4 hoursCaribbean
    St Martin
    Saint Martin*MarigotSaint-Martin35,54UTC/GMT -4 hoursCaribbean
    Coat of arms of
    UruguayMontevideoUruguay3,,20UTC/GMT -3 hoursSouth America
    Original Coat of arms of
    Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of)CaracasVenezuela28,,32UTC/GMT -4 hoursSouth America

    *: Not a sovereign state


    Main article: History of Latin America

    See also: History of North Where is latin america, History of South America, History of Central America, and History of the Caribbean

    Pre-Columbian history[edit]

    Main articles: Settlement of the Americas, Population history of Indigenous peoples of the Americas, and Pre-Columbian era

    Surviving section of the Inca road systemin Northwestern Argentina, now a UNESCO World Heritage Site. The road system linked the Andean empire

    There is no evidence of human evolution in the Americas; human settlement in the Americas is the result of migration from Asia.[citation needed] The earliest known human settlement was identified at Monte Verde, near Puerto Montt in southern Chile. Its occupation dates to some 14, years ago and there is some disputed evidence of even earlier occupation. Over the course of millennia, people spread to all parts of the North and South America and the Caribbean islands. Although the region now known as Latin America stretches from northern Mexico to Tierra del Fuego, the diversity of its geography, topography, climate, and cultivable land means that populations were not evenly distributed. Sedentary populations of fixed settlements supported by agriculture gave rise to complex civilizations in Mesoamerica (central and southern Mexico and Central America) and the highland Andes populations of Quechua and Aymara, as well as Chibcha.

    Agricultural surpluses from intensive cultivation of maize in Mesoamerica and potatos and hardy grains in the Andes were able to support distant populations beyond farmers' households and communities. Surpluses allowed the creation of social, political, religious, and military hierarchies, urbanization with stable village settlements and major cities, specialization of craft work, and the transfer of products via tribute and trade. In the Andes, llamas hollister customer service uk domesticated and used to transport goods; Mesoamerica had no large domesticated animals to aid human labor or provide meat. Mesoamerican civilizations developed systems of writing; in the Andes, knotted quipus emerged as huntington bank routing number lima ohio system of accounting.

    The Caribbean region had sedentary populations settled by Arawak or Tainos and in what is now Brazil, many Tupian peoples lived in fixed settlements. Semi-sedentary populations had agriculture and settled villages, but soil exhaustion required relocation of settlements. Populations were less dense and social and political hierarchies less institutionalized. Non-sedentary peoples lived in small bands, with low population density and without agriculture. They lived in harsh environments. By the first millennium CE, the Western Hemisphere was the home of tens of millions of people; the exact numbers are a source of ongoing research and controversy.[40]

    The last two great civilizations, the Aztecs and Incas, emerged into prominence in the early fourteenth century and mid-fifteenth centuries. Although the Indigenous empires were conquered by Europeans, the sub-imperial organization of the densely populated regions remained in place. The presence or absence of Indigenous populations had an impact on how European imperialism played out in the Americas. The pre-Columbian civilizations of Mesoamerica and the highland Andes became sources of pride for American-born Spaniards in the late colonial era and for nationalists in the post-independence era.[41] For some modern Latin American nation-states, the Indigenous roots of national identity are expressed in the ideology of indigenismo. These modern constructions of national identity usually critique their colonial past.[42]

    Spanish and Portuguese colonization[edit]

    Main articles: European colonization of the Americas, Spanish colonization of the Americas, and Portuguese colonization of the Americas

    See also: Society in the Spanish Colonial Americas

    Map of Brazil showing Indigenous men cutting brazilwood and Portuguese ships

    Spanish and Portuguese colonization of the Western Hemisphere laid the basis for societies now seen as characteristic of Latin America. In the fifteenth century, both Portugal and Spain embarked on voyages of overseas exploration, following the Christian Reconquista of Iberia from Muslims. Portugal sailed down the west coast of Africa and the Crown of Castile in central Spain authorized the voyage of Genoese mariner Christopher Columbus. Portugal's expansion into the Indian Ocean occupied much of its interest, although beginning with the voyage of Pedro Álvares Cabral in it laid claim to Brazil. The line of demarcation between Spain and Portugal gave Spain all areas to the west, and Portugal all areas to the east. However, compared to the riches of Africa, India, and the Spice Islands, Brazil did not immediately attract much Portuguese exploration or settlement. Spanish colonists began founding permanent settlements in Hispaniola (), Puerto Rico (), Cuba () and the Spanish Main (tierra firme) (–13). In these regions of early contact, Spaniards established patterns of interaction with Indigenous peoples that they transferred to the mainland. At the time of European contact, the area was densely populated by Indigenous peoples who had not organized walking the west highland way in 4 days empires, nor created large physical complexes. With the expedition of Hernán Cortés from Cuba to Mexico inSpaniards encountered the Indigenous imperial civilization of the Aztecs. Using techniques of warfare honed in their early Caribbean settlements, Cortés sought Indigenous allies to topple the superstructure of the Aztec Empire after a two-year war of conquest. The Spanish recognized many Indigenous elites as nobles under Spanish rule with continued power and influence over commoners, and used them as intermediaries in the emerging Spanish imperial system.

    With the example of the conquest of central Mexico, Spaniards sought similar great empires to conquer, and expanded into other regions of Mexico and Central America, and then the Inca empire, by Francisco Pizarro. By the end of the sixteenth century Spain and Portugal claimed territory extending from Alaska to the southern tip of Patagonia. They founded cities that remain important centers. In Spanish America, these include Panama City (), Mexico City () Guadalajara (–42), Cartagena (), Lima (), and Quito (). In Brazil, coastal cities were founded: Olinda (), Salvador de Bahia (), São Paulo (), and Rio de Janeiro ().

    Areas claimed by the Spanish and Portuguese empires in

    Spaniards explored extensively in the mainland territories they claimed, but they settled in great numbers in areas with dense and hierarchically organized Indigenous populations and exploitable resources, especially silver. Early Spanish conquerors saw the Indigenous themselves as an exploitable resource for tribute and labor, and individual Spaniards were awarded grants of encomienda forced labor as reward for participation in the conquest. Throughout most of Spanish America, Indigenous populations were the largest component, with some black slaves serving in auxiliary positions. The three racial groups during the colonial era were European whites, black Africans, and Indigenous. Over time, these populations intermixed, resulting in castas. In most of Spanish America, the Indigenous were the majority population.

    Both dense Indigenous populations and silver were found in New Spain (colonial Mexico) and Peru, and these became centers of Spanish empire. The viceroyalty of New Spain, centered in Mexico City, was established in and the Viceroyalty of Peru, centered in Lima, in The viceroyalty of New Spain also had jurisdiction over the Philippines, once the Spanish established themselves there in the late sixteenth century. The viceroy was the direct representative of the king.[43]

    Roman Catholic Church as an institution launched a "spiritual conquest" to convert Indigenous populations to Christianity, incorporating them into Christiandom, with no other religion permitted. Pope Alexander VI in had bestowed on the Catholic Monarchsgreat power over ecclesiastical appointments and the functioning of the church in overseas possessions. The monarch was the patron of the institutional church. The state and the Catholic church were the institutional pillars of Spanish colonial rule. In the late eighteenth century, the crown also established a royal military to defend its possessions against foreign incursions, especially by the British. It also increased the number of viceroyalties in Spanish South America.

    Portugal did not establish firm institutional rule in Brazil until the s, but it paralleled many patterns of colonization in Spanish America. The Brazilian Indigenous peoples were initially dense, but were semi-sedentary and lacked the organization that allowed Spaniards more easily incorporate the Indigenous into the colonial order. The Portuguese used Indigenous laborers to extract the valuable commodity known as brazilwood, which gave its name to the colony. Portugal took greater control of the region where is latin america prevent other European powers, particularly France, from threatening its claims.

    Potosí, the "cerro rico" that produced massive amounts of silver from a single site. The first image published in Europe. Pedro Cieza de León,

    Europeans sought wealth in the form of high-value, low-bulk products exported to Europe. The Spanish Empire established institutions to secure wealth for itself and protect walmart eye center mexico mo empire in the Americas from rivals. In trade it followed principles of mercantilism, where its overseas possessions were to enrich the center of power in Iberia. Trade was regulated through the royal House of Trade in Seville, Spain, with the main export from Spanish America to Spain being silver, later followed by the red dye cochineal. Silver was found in the Andes, in particular the silver mountain of Potosí, (now in Bolivia) in the region where Indigenous men were forced to labor in the mines. In New Spain, rich deposits of silver were found in northern Mexico, in Zacatecas and Guanajuato, outside areas of dense Indigenous settlement. Labor was attracted from elsewhere[clarification needed] for mining and landed estates were established to raise wheat, range cattle and sheep. Mules were bred for transportation and to replace of human labor in refining silver. Plantations for sugar cultivation developed on a large scale for the export market in Brazil and the Caribbean islands.

    Manufactured and luxury goods were sent from Spain and entered Spanish America legally only through the Caribbean ports of Veracruz, Havana, and Cartagena, as well as the Pacific port of Callao, in Peru. Trans-Pacific trade was established in the late sixteenth century from Acapulco to Manila, transporting silver from Mexico and Peru to Asia; Chinese silks and porcelains were sent first to Mexico and then re-exported to Spain. This system of commerce was in theory was tightly controlled, but was increasingly undermined by other European powers. The English, French, and Dutch seized Caribbean islands claimed by the Spanish and established their own sugar plantations. These islands also became hubs for contraband trade with Spanish America. Many regions of Spanish America that were not well supplied by Spanish merchants, such as Central America, participated in contraband trade with foreign merchants.

    Eighteenth-century Bourbon reforms sought to modernize the mercantile system to stimulate greater trade exchanges between Spain and Spanish America in a system known as comercio trico onyx premium beam wiper blade 22 inch. This was not free trade in the modern sense, but rather free commerce within the Spanish empire. Liberalization of trade and limited deregulation sought to break the monopoly of merchants based in the Spanish port of Cádiz. Administrative https www suntrust online banking created the system of districts known as intendancies, modeled on those in France. Their creation was aimed at strengthening crown control over its possessions and sparking economic development.[44]

    Sugar processing by skilled black slave laborers. Sugar cane must be processed immediately once cut in order to capture the most sugar juice, so engenhosneeded to be constructed near fields.

    Brazil's economic importance emerged in the seventeenth century with the establishment of large-scale cane sugar plantations. It was the high value, low bulk export product that the Portuguese sought and it was entirely dependent on black slave labor. Unlike core areas of Spanish America, Indigenous populations in Brazil were not a source of labor, except during the earliest years of the colony. Blacks became the majority of Brazil's population.[45] For Portugal, Brazil was one pole of a triangular Atlantic system of trade between Iberia, Africa, and its American colony. Huge numbers of African slaves were shipped to Brazil. They worked first on sugar plantations in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, then in diamond mines in the eighteenth century, and coffee plantations in the nineteenth century. Like Spain, Portugal restricted foreign powers from trading in its American colony or entering coastal waters it had claimed. As farmers state bank cedar rapids economic center of the colony shifted from the sugar-producing northeast to the southern region of gold and diamond mines, the capital was transferred from Salvador de Bahia to Rio de Janeiro in [46] During the colonial era, Brazil was also the manufacturing center for Portugal's ships. As a global maritime empire, Portugal created a vital industry in Brazil. Once Brazil achieved its independence, this industry languished.[47]

    Colonial legacies[edit]

    The more than three centuries of direct Spanish and Portuguese colonial rule left lasting imprints on Latin America. The most salient are linguistic, with Spanish and Portuguese the dominant languages of the region, and religious, with Roman Catholicism continuing to claim the largest number of adherents. Diseases to which Indigenous peoples had no immunity devastated their populations, although they still exist in many places. The forced transportation of African slaves transformed major regions where they labored to produce the export products, especially sugar. In regions with dense Indigenous populations, they remained the largest percentage of the population; sugar-producing regions had the largest percentage of blacks. European whites in both Spanish America and Brazil were a small percentage of the population, but they were the also wealthiest and most socially elite, and the racial hierarchies they established in the colonial era have persisted. Cities founded by Europeans in the colonial era remain major centers of power. In the modern era, Latin American governments have worked to designate many colonial cities as UNESCOWorld Heritage Sites.[48] Exports of metals and agricultural products to Europe dominated Latin American economies, with the manufacturing sector deliberately suppressed; the development of modern, industrial economies of Europe depended on the underdevelopment of Latin America.[49][50][51]

    Despite the many commonalities of colonial Spanish America and Brazil, they did not conceive of themselves as being part of a single region; that was a development of the post-independence period beginning in the nineteenth century. The imprint of Christopher Columbus and Iberian colonialism in Latin America began shifting in the twentieth century. There was a re-evaluation of the colonial legacy as the th anniversary of Columbus's voyage approached. "Discovery" by Europeans was reframed as "encounter" of the Old World and the New. An example of the new consciousness was the dismantling of the Christopher Columbus monument in Buenos Aires, one of many in the hemisphere, mandated by leftist President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. Its replacement was a statue to a mestiza fighter for independence, Juana Azurduy de Padilla, provoking a major controversy in Argentina over historical and national identity.[52]

    Independence era (–)[edit]

    Main articles: Latin American wars of independence, Spanish American wars of independence, and Independence of Brazil

    Development of Spanish American Independence

    &#;&#;Government under traditional Spanish law

    &#;&#;Loyal to Supreme Central Junta or Cortes

    &#;&#;American junta or insurrection movement

    &#;&#;Independent state declared or established

    &#;&#;Height of French control of the Peninsula

    Ferdinand VII of Spain in whose name Spanish American juntas ruled during his exile –; when restored to power inhe reinstated autocratic rule, renewing independence movements

    Independence in the Americas was not inevitable or uniform in the Americas. Events in Europe had a profound impact on the colonial empires of Spain, Portugal, and France in the Americas. France and Spain had supported the American Revolution that saw the independence of the Thirteen Colonies from Britain, which had defeated them in the Seven Years' War (–63). The outbreak of the French Revolution ina political and social uprising toppling the Bourbon monarchy and overturning the established order, precipitated events in France's rich Caribbean sugar colony of Saint-Domingue, whose black population rose up, led by Toussaint L'ouverture. The Haitian Revolution had far-reaching consequences. Britain declared war on France and attacked ports in Saint-Domingue. Haiti gained independence inled by ex-slave Jean-Jacques Dessalines following many years of violent struggle, with huge atrocities on both sides. Haitian independence affected colonial empires in the Americas, as well as the United States. Many white, slave-owning sugar planters of Saint-Domingue fled to the Spanish island of Cuba, where they established sugar plantations that became the basis of Cuba's economy.[53] Uniquely in the hemisphere, the black victors in Haiti abolished slavery at independence. Many thousands of remaining whites were executed on the orders of Dessalines. For other regions with large enslaved populations, the Haitian Revolution was a cautionary tale for the white slave-owning planters. Despite Spain and Britain's satisfaction with France's defeat, they "were obsessed by the possible impact of the slave uprising on Cuba, Santo Domingo, and Jamaica", by then a British sugar colony.[54] US President Thomas Jefferson, a wealthy slave owner, refused to recognize Haiti's independence. Recognition only came in frin President Abraham Lincoln. Given France's failure to defeat the slave insurgency and since needing money for the war with Britain, Napoleon Bonaparte sold France's remaining mainland holdings in North America to the United States in the Louisiana Purchase.

    Napoleon's invasion of the Iberian peninsula in was a major change in the world order, with the stability of both the metropoles[clarification needed] and their overseas possessions upended. It resulted in the flight, with British help, of the Portuguese royal court to Brazil, its richest colony. In Spain, France forced abdication of the Spanish Bourbon monarchs and their replacement with Viber new account brother Joseph Bonaparte as king. The period from to the restoration in of the Bourbon monarchy saw new political experiments. In Spanish America, the question of the legitimacy of the new foreign monarch's right to rule set off fierce debate and in many regions to wars of independence. The conflicts were regional and usually quite complex. Chronologically these Spanish American independence wars were the conquest in reverse, with the areas most recently incorporated into the Spanish empire, such as Argentina and Chile, becoming the first to achieve independence, while the colonial strongholds of Mexico and Peru were the last to achieve independence in the early nineteenth century. Cuba and Puerto Rico, both old Caribbean sugar-producing areas, did not achieve independence from Spain until the Spanish-American War, with US intervention.

    In Spain, a bloody war against the French invaders broke out and regional juntas were established to rule in the name of the deposed Bourbon king, Ferdinand VII. In Spanish America, local juntas also rejected Napoleon's brother as their monarch. Spanish Liberals re-imagined the Spanish Empire as equally being Iberia and the overseas territories. Liberals sought a new model of government, a constitutional monarchy, with limits on the power of the king as well as on the Catholic Church. Ruling in the name of the deposed Bourbon monarch Ferdinand VII, representatives of the Spanish empire, both from the peninsula and Spanish America, convened a convention in the port of Cadiz. For Spanish American elites who had been shut out of official positions in the late eighteenth century in favor of peninsular-born appointees, this was a major recognition of their role in the empire.[55] These planet fitness is it open today representatives drafted and ratified the Spanish Constitution ofestablishing a constitutional monarchy and set down other rules of governance, including citizenship and limitations on the Catholic Church. Constitutional rule was a break from absolutist monarchy and gave Spanish America a starting point for constitutional governance.[56] So long as Napoleon controlled Spain, the liberal constitution was the governing document.

    When Napoleon was defeated and the Bourbon monarchy was restored inFerdinand VII and his conservative supporters immediately reasserted absolutist monarchy, ending the liberal interregnum. In Spanish America, this counter-revolution set off a new wave of struggles for independence in Spanish America.[57][58]

    In South America Simón Bolívar of Venezuela and José de San Martín of Argentina, and Bernardo O'Higgins in Chile led armies who fought for independence. In Mexico, which had seen the initial insurgency led by Hidalgo and José María Morelos, royalist forces kept control. Inwhen military officers in Spain restored the liberal Constitution ofconservatives in Mexico saw independence as a better option. Royalist military officer Agustín de Iturbide changed sides and forged an alliance with insurgent leader Vicente Guerrero, and together they brought about Mexico's independence in

    For Portugal and Brazil, Napoleon's defeat did not immediately result in the return of the Portuguese monarch to Portugal, since Brazil was the richest part of the Portuguese empire. As with Spain inPortuguese liberals threatened the power of the monarchy and compelled John VI to return in Aprilleaving his son Pedro to rule Brazil as regent. In Brazil, Pedro contended with revolutionaries and insubordination by Portuguese troops, all of whom he subdued. The Portuguese government threatened to revoke the political autonomy that Brazil had enjoyed sincewalmart eye center mexico mo widespread opposition in Brazil. Pedro declared Brazil's independence from Portugal on 7 September and became emperor. By March he had defeated all armies loyal to Portugal. Brazil's independence was achieved relatively peaceably, territorial integrity was maintained, and its ruler was from the Royal House of Braganza, whose successors ruled Brazil until their overthrow in [59][60]

    Post-Independence in Latin America, ca. –[edit]

    Spanish America and Brazil

    Although much of Latin America gained its independence in the early nineteenth century, formal recognition by their former metropolitan powers in Spain and Portugal did not come immediately. Portugal officially recognized Brazil on August 29, [61] The Spanish crown did not recognize new Spanish American nations' independence and sent expeditions to Mexico in failed attempts to regain control over its valuable former territory. Spain finally recognized Mexico's independence in15 years after it was achieved. Its recognition of Ecuador's independence came in and Paraguay's as late as The new independent territories exerted their rights to establish a government, control their national territory, establish trade relations with other nations, and levy taxes. Brazil and Mexico both established monarchies in Mexico's was short-lived (–23) under leader of the independence movement General Iturbide, elected constitutional emperor 19 May and forced to abdicate 19 March Iturbide had no royal pedigree, so as a commoner he had no prestige or permanent legitimacy as ruler. Brazil's monarchy, a branch of the House of Braganza, lasted until Spanish America fragmented into various regions.

    As a consequence of the violent struggles for independence in most of Spanish America, the military grew in importance. In the post-independence period, it often played a key role in politics. Military leaders often became the first heads of state, but regional strongmen or caudillos also emerged. The first half of the nineteenth century is sometimes characterized as the “age of caudillos.” In Argentina, Juan Manuel Rosas and in Mexico Antonio López de Santa Anna are exemplars of caudillos. Although most countries created written constitutions and created separate branches of government, the state and the rule of law were weak, and the military emerged as the dominant institution in the civil sphere. Constitutions were written laying out division of powers, but the rule of personalist strongmen dominated. Dictoratorial powers were granted to some strongmen, nominally ruling as presidents under a constitution, as "constitutional dictators."[62]

    In the religious sphere, the Roman Catholic Church, one of the pillars of colonial rule, remained a powerful institution and generally continued as the only permissible religion. With the Spanish monarch no longer the patron of the church, many national governments asserted their right to appoint clerics as a logical transfer of power to a sovereign state. The Catholic Church denied that this right had transferred to the new governments, and for a time the Vatican refused to appoint new bishops.[63] In Brazil, because the ruler after independence was a member of wells fargo bank contact us House of Braganza, and Portugal recognized political independence quite speedily, the Vatican appointed a papal nuncio to Brazil in This official had jurisdiction over not just Brazil, but also the new states in Spanish America. However, in Brazil, there were also conflicts between church and state. During the reign of Pedro II, Protestant missionaries were tolerated, and when the monarchy was overthrown inthe Catholic Church was disestablished .[64]

    In the new nation-states conservatives favored the old order of a powerful, centralized state and continuation open business bank account online free the Catholic Church as a key institution. In Mexico, following the abdication of Emperor Iturbide inMexican political leaders wrote a constitution for its newly declared federated republic, the Constitution of Central America opted out of joining the new federated republic of Mexico, with no real conflict. Hero of the insurgency Guadalupe Victoria became the first president of Mexico in Conservatives pushed to take control of the government, favored central rule of the nation, as opposed to liberals, who generally favored the power of states expressed in federalism. General Santa Anna was elected president in and was in and out of office until In South America Gran Colombia came into being, spanning the what are now the separate countries of Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, Panama, and Peru, with independence leader Simón Bolívar as head of state (–30). Gran Colombia dissolved in due to conflicts similar to those elsewhere in Spanish America between centralist conservatives and pro-federalist liberals. In Argentina, the conflict resulted a prolonged civil war between unitarianas (i.e. centralists) and federalists, which were in some aspects respectively analogous to liberals and conservatives in other countries. Adding to this dispute was the almost inherited colonial-era conflict over its borders with Brazil. The Cisplatine War erupted in and ended inresulting in occupation and further secession of Provincia Oriental which in became the modern Republic of Uruguay with a central government in Montevideo. Between andArgentina existed as a confederation, without a head of state, although the federalist governor of Buenos Aires province, Juan Manuel de Rosas, was given the power to pay debt and manage international relations, and exerted a growing hegemony over the country. A national constitution was not enacted untiland reformed inand the country reorganized as a federal republic led by a liberal-conservative elite.[65] Ironically, centralist Uruguay enacted its constitution on its first day of life inbut wasn't immune to a similar polarization of the new state that involved blancos and colorados, where the agrarian conservative interests of blancos were pitted against the liberal commercial interests of colorados based in Montevideo, and which eventually resulted in the Guerra Grande civil war (–).[66] Both the blancos and colorados evolved into political parties of the same names that still exist in Uruguay today and are considered among the first and most longstanding political parties in the world.

    In Brazil, Emperor Dom Pedro I, worn down by years of administrative turmoil and political dissension with both the liberal and conservative sides of politics, including an attempt of republican secession,[67] Pedro&#;I went to Portugal in to reclaim his daughter's crown, abdicating the Brazilian throne in favor of his five-year-old son and heir (who thus became the Empire's second monarch, with the title of Dom Pedro&#;II).[68] As a minor, the new Emperor could not exert his constitutional powers until he came of age, so a regency was set up by the National Assembly.[69] In the absence of a charismatic figure who could represent a moderate face of power, during this period a series of localized rebellions took place, as the Cabanagem, the Malê Revolt, the Balaiada, the Sabinada, and the Ragamuffin War, which emerged from dissatisfaction of the provinces with the central power, coupled with old and latent social tensions peculiar to a vast, slave-holding and newly independent nation state.[70] This period of internal political and social upheaval, which included the Praieira revolt, was overcome only at the end of the s, years after the end of the regency, which occurred with the premature coronation of Pedro II in [71] During the last phase of the monarchy, an internal political debate was centered on the issue of slavery. The Atlantic slave trade was abandoned in ,[72] as a result of the BritishAberdeen Act, but only in May after a long process of internal mobilization and amazon payments account withdraw for an ethical and legal dismantling of slavery in the country, was the institution formally abolished.[73] On November 15,worn out by years of economic stagnation, attrition of the majority of Army officers, as well as with rural and financial elites (for different reasons), the monarchy was overthrown by a military coup.[74]

    Foreign powers' influence and interventions, ca. [edit]

    Foreign powers, particularly the British and the U.S., were keenly interested in the possibilities opening for their countries with the struggles for independence. They quickly recognized newly independent countries in Latin America and established commercial relationships with them, since the colonial limits on trade with foreign powers had ended. With the Louisiana Purchase from France, the U.S. now bordered Spanish Mexico, and both the U.S. and Spain sought clarity about their borders, signing the Adams-Onís Treaty ceding Florida to the U.S. and setting the northern border of Spain's claim in North America.[75] When Mexico achieved independence, the U.S. recognized the government under Agustín de Iturbide, sending diplomat Joel Poinsett as its representative – Poinsett concluded an agreement with Mexico confirming the terms of the Adams-Onís Treaty. Previously Poinsett had traveled widely in Latin America and had concluded a trade agreement with independent Argentina. The first major articulation of U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America as a region was the Monroe Doctrine. It warned foreign powers not to intervene in the Americas. The U.S. was relatively weak compared to the powerful British Empire, but it was a key policy that informed U.S. actions toward Latin America. The U.S. was concerned that foreign powers could support Spain in its attempts to reclaim its empire.[76] Those actions often included its own direct interventions in the region, justified by President Theodore Roosevelt in his Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine.

    British commercial interests were eager to seize the opportunity to trade in Latin America. Britain and Portugal had long been allies against the Spanish and French, so British recognition of Brazil's independence followed quickly after Portugal's. As with many other Latin American countries, Brazil exported raw materials and imported manufactured goods. For Britain, asserting economic dominance in Latin America in what is now called neocolonialism meant that nation-states were sovereign countries, but most were dependent on other powers economically. British dominance hindered the development of Latin American industries and strengthened their dependence on the world trade&#;network.[77] Britain now replaced Spain as the region's largest trading&#;partner.[78] Great Britain invested significant capital in Latin America to develop the area as a market for processed goods.[79] From the early s tothe post-independence economies of Latin American countries were lagging and stagnant.[80] Over the nineteenth century, enhanced trade between Britain and Latin America led to development such as infrastructure improvements, including roads and railroads, which grew the trade between these articles countries and outside nations such as Great Britain.[81] Byexports dramatically increased, attracting capital from abroad (including Europe and USA).[82] Until and the outbreak of World War I, Britain was a major economic power in Latin America.

    For the U.S., its initial sphere of influence was in Mexico, but the drive for territorial expansion, particularly for southern slave-owners seeking new territory for their enterprises, saw immigration of white slave-owners with their slaves to Texas, which ultimately precipitated conflict between the Mexican government and the Anglo-American settlers. The Texas Revolution of defeated Mexican forces, and inU.S. annexation of the Texas territory that Mexico still claimed set the stage for the Mexican-American War (–48). That war resulted in the resounding defeat of Mexico. U.S. troops occupyied Mexico City. The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo added a huge swath of what had been north and northwest Mexico to the U.S., territory that Spain and then Mexico had claimed, but had not succeeded how to pay tmobile bill by text occupying effectively. Southern slave owners, such as Thomas Jefferson and John C. Calhoun, were also interested in the possibility of the U.S. acquiring Cuba from Spain, with the aim of expanding both slavery and U.S. territory. The leak of the Ostend Manifesto, offering $ million to Spain, caused a scandal among abolitionists in the U.S., who sought to end the expansion of slavery. It was repudiated by U.S. President Franklin Pierce. The American Civil War (–65) decided the question of slavery.[83] Another episode in US-Latin American relations involved the filibusterWilliam Walker. Inhe traveled to Nicaragua hoping to overthrow the government and take territory for the United States. With Only 56 followers, he was able to take over the city of Granada, declaring himself commander of the army and installing Patricio Rivas as a puppet president. However, Rivas' presidency ended when he fled Nicaragua; Walker rigged the ensuing election to ensure that he became the next president. His presidency did not last long, however, as he was met with much opposition in Nicaragua and from neighboring countries. On May 1,Walker was forced by a coalition of Central American armies to surrender himself to a United States Navy officer who repatriated him and his followers. When Walker subsequently returned to Central America inhe was apprehended by the Honduran authorities and executed.[84]

    Britain's nineteenth-century policy was to end slavery and the slave trade, including in Latin America. In Brazil, Britain made the end of the slave trade a condition for diplomatic recognition. The Brazilian economy was entirely dependent on slaves. Abolitionists in Brazil pressed for the end of slavery, which finally ended infollowed the next year by the fall of the Brazilian monarchy.

    Maximilianreceiving a delegation of Mexican conservatives offering him the crown of Mexico

    The French also sought commercial ties to Latin America, to export luxury goods and establish financial ties, including extending foreign loans to governments, often in dire need of revenue. France intervened in Mexico in a spectacular fashion. As Mexican conservatives and liberals fought the War of the Reform over La Reforma, Mexican conservatives, to bolster their side, sought a Aps pay my bill monarch to put on the throne of Mexico. Napoleon III of France invaded Mexico in and facilitated the appointment of Maximilian von Hapsburg. Since the U.S. was embroiled in its own civil war, it could not hinder the French occupation, which it saw as a violation of the Monroe Doctrine, but the government of Abraham Lincoln continued to recognize the Mexican government of Benito Juárez. The French withdrew their support of Maximilian inand Maximilian and two conservative Mexican generals were executed, when Mexican liberals returned to power.

    Wars between nations[edit]

    Many armed conflicts broke out between Latin American nations in the late nineteenth century, as well as protracted civil wars in Mexico and Colombia. One notable international conflict was the War of the Pacific from toin which Chile seized territory and resources from Peru and Bolivia, gaining valuable nitrate deposits and leaving Bolivia landlocked with no access to the sea.[85] Also notable was the War of the Triple Alliance (–) in which Paraguay under Francisco Solano López provoked war against Brazil, which allied with Argentina and Uruguay. The war was a disaster for Paraguay, with huge loss of life and destruction of the modernized sector.[86]

    US involvement –[edit]

    In the late 19th century and early 20th century, U.S. banana importers United Fruit Company and Cuyamel Fruit Company, both ancestors of Chiquita, and the Standard Fruit Company (now Dole), acquired large amounts of land in Central American countries like Guatemala, Honduras, and Costa Rica. The companies gained leverage over governments and ruling elites in these countries by dominating their economies and paying kickbacks, and exploited local workers. These countries came to be called banana republics.

    Cubans, with the aid of Dominicans,[87] launched a war for independence in and, over the next 30 years, sufferedcasualties[88] in a brutal war against Spain that culminated in U.S. intervention. The Spanish–American War resulted in the end of the Spanish colonial presence in the Americas. A period of frequent U.S. intervention in Latin America followed, with the acquisition of the Panama Canal Zone inthe so-called Banana Wars in Cuba, Haiti, Dominican Republic, Nicaragua, and Honduras; the Caco Wars in Haiti; and the so-called Border War with Mexico. Some 3, Latin Americans were killed between and [89] The U.S. press described the occupation of the Dominican Republic as an 'Anglo-Saxon crusade', carried out to keep the Latin Americans 'harmless against the ultimate consequences of their own misbehavior'.[90]

    In the s the Ford Motor Company invested in land and industry in northern Brazil to produce of rubber for its tires. The installation was known as Fordlandia and although the project was abandoned because of cultural breakdown and the emergence of vulcanization that made it economically unviable, the city is still inhabited and retains its name.

    After World War I, U.S. interventionism diminished, culminating in President Franklin D. Roosevelt's Good Neighbor policy in

    World War I (–)[edit]

    See also: Pan-Americanism and Brazil during World War I

    In general, Latin America stayed out of direct conflict in World War I, but the Great Powers were aware of the region's importance for the short and long term. Germany attempted to draw Mexico into supporting its side against the British, the French, and especially the U.S., by trying to leverage anti-Americanism to its advantage. The Great Powers had been actively working to affect the course of the Mexican Revolution (–). Great Britain and the U.S. had huge investments in Mexico, with Germany close behind, so the outcome of the conflict would have consequences there. The U.S. directly intervened militarily, but not on a huge scale.[91] A German diplomatic proposal, now known as the January Zimmermann Telegram, sought to entice Mexico to join an alliance with Germany in the event of the United States entering World War I against Union savings bank mt washington by promising the return of territory Mexico had lost to the U.S. The proposal was intercepted and decoded by British intelligence. The revelation of the contents outraged the American public and swayed public opinion. The news helped to generate support for the United States declaration of war on Germany in April as well as to calm U.S.-Mexico relations.[92] Mexico, far weaker militarily, economically and politically than the U.S., ignored the German proposal; after the U.S. entered the war, it officially rejected it.

    When the U.S. entered the conflict init abandoned its hunt in Mexico for the revolutionary Pancho Villa who had attacked the U.S. in Columbus, New Mexico. The Mexican government was not pro-Villa, but was angered by U.S. violation of Mexico's sovereign territory with troops. The expeditionary force led by General John J. Pershing that had hopelessly chased him around northern Mexico was deployed to Europe. The U.S. then asked Latin American nations to join Britain, France, and the U.S. against Germany. They were not quick to join, since Germany was now a major financial lender to Latin America, and a number of nations were antipathetic to the traditional lenders in Britain and France. While Latin America did join the allies, it was not without cost. The U.S. sought hemispheric solidarity against Germany, and Brazil, Costa Rica, Cuba, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua and Haiti declared war. Others took the lesser step of breaking diplomatic relations. Argentina, Chile, Mexico and Uruguay remained neutral.[93]

    More important was the impact of the war on transatlantic shipping, the economic lifeline for their export economies. Exports economies from the mining sector and especially nitrates for gunpowder did boom, but agricultural exports of sugar and coffee languished when European economies turned to war production. Britain was on the winning side of the war, but in its aftermath its economic power was much reduced. Afterthe U.S. replaced Britain as the major foreign power in Latin America. Latin American nations gained standing internationally in the aftermath of the war, participating in the Versailles Conference, signing the Treaty of Versailles and joining the League of Nations. Latin America also played an important role in the International Court of Justice.[93]

    Interwar and WWII, s–[edit]

    U.S. President Roosevelt and Mexican President Manuel Avila Camacho, Monterrey, Mexico Roosevelt sought strong ties between the U.S. and Latin America in the World War II era

    The Great Depression was a worldwide phenomenon and had an impact on Latin America. Exports largely fell and economies stagnated. For a number of Latin American countries, the Depression made them favor an internal economic development policy of import substitution industrialization.[94]

    World War I and the League of Nations did not settle conflicts between European nations, but in the wake of World War I, Latin American nations gained success in pressing discussions of hemispheric importance. The Inter-American System was institutionally established with the First International Conference of American States of –90, where 17 Latin American nations sent delegates to Washington D.C. and formed the Pan American Union. Subsequent Pan-American Conferences saw the initial dominance of the U.S. in the hemisphere give way as Latin American nations asserted their priorities. The Havana Conference of was the high water mark of U.S. dominance and assertion of its right to intervene in Latin America,[95] but with the election of Franklin Delano Roosevelt to the U.S. presidency inU.S. policy changed toward Latin America. He abandoned the routine U.S. interventions in Latin America that it had claimed as its right and initiated the Good Neighbor Policy in March He sought hemispheric cooperation rather than U.S. coercion in the region.[96] At the Montevideo Convention in Decemberthe U.S. Secretary of State voted in favor of the Convention on the Rights and Duties of States, declaring “no state has the right to intervene in the internal or external affairs of another.”[97] President Roosevelt himself attended the inaugural session of the hemispheric conference in Buenos Aires inwhere the U.S. reaffirmed the policy of non-intervention in Latin America and discussed the issue of neutrality for the hemisphere should war break out.[98] With the Nazi invasion of Poland in September and the spread of war in Europe, foreign ministers of hemispheric nations met in Panama, at which the Declaration of Neutrality was signed, and the territorial waters bordering the hemisphere were expanded. The aim of these moves was to strengthen hemispheric solidarity and security.[99] With the December 7, Japanese attack on the U.S. naval base at Pearl Harbor, hemispheric ministers met in January in Rio de Janeiro. Some nations had already declared war on the Axis powers, while others severed relations with the Axis. Chile did not do so untiland Argentina, traditionally pro-German, not until [] The U.S. requested that Germans suspected of Nazi sympathies be deported from Latin America to the U.S.[]

    Brazil in World War II[edit]


    Center for Strategic & International Studies

    April 22,



    With the change of administration in Washington, the agenda that the United States is likely to prioritize in its relationship with Latin America has familiar elements: migration, rule of law, governance, counter-narcotics, and the crisis in Venezuela. Newer to the mix are concerns with populism, the inroads made by China, and the social and economic impact of the Covid pandemic. 

    These are serious issues, but they reflect a largely reactive response to developments in the region. The opportunity also exists for a positive paradigm shift in hemispheric relations post-pandemic that green dot transfer to bank account U.S.-Latin American ties on a more strategic footing to respond to twenty-first-century challenges.

    The Biden administration is well-positioned to seize the moment and present a new vision for engagement at the tri-annual Summit of the Americas, which will be hosted by the United States in the coming year. That vision, which can still address the questions of most immediate concern to the United States, would ideally also include a forward-looking agenda developed with regional leaders focused on restoring economic growth, responding to climate change and other global concerns, and creating opportunities for the people of Latin America. In taking this step, it will be important to dispel the undue pessimism that permeates U.S. perspectives on the region. 

    Latin America Has Changed for the Better

    We can start by recognizing that the image so many have of a region facing intractable problems has another side to it. Some of Latin America’s democratic leaders view the current Covidgenerated crisis as an opportunity to transform their countries, and they are driven by the knowledge that their populations expect nothing less. The political, economic, and social foundations for doing so exist.

    Latin America’s political transformation since the s has been profound. It is now the region of the world with the highest proportion of democratically elected governments outside Europe and North America. Peaceful transfer of power between often radically different political points of view usually takes place without serious incident. The emergence of populist governments in the region has not, so far, fundamentally altered this reality. 

    Additionally, institutions and rule of law are stronger than they were 20 years ago, and independent judiciaries in countries from Mexico to Brazil and Argentina have investigated, indicted, or convicted presidents and senior political figures for human rights abuses and corruption. There is legitimate concern about slippage in governance in recent years, particularly in Central American nations, and the collapse of the Venezuelan state is undeniable but the democratic evolution of the region over time has been impressive.

    In the economic sphere, the image of an insular Latin America dependent primarily on the United States and commodity exports has given way to an increasingly dynamic continent integrating on a global scale. There are dozens of trade and investment agreements in place with Europe, Canada, and East Asian countries. As the United States withdrew from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) inChile, Peru, and Mexico signed on to the successor Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) agreement. The EU and Mercosur negotiations on a trade where is latin america are still problematic but closer to a successful conclusion. Foreign direct investment into Latin America from European Union countries has outstripped U.S. investment for a decade.

    China, of course, is reaching its own agreements with Latin American countries through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Comprehensive Regional Economic Partnership (RCEP), and it is investing in the telecommunications and infrastructure sectors. Most regional countries, however, appear to be dealing with China with “eyes-wide-open,” with a transactional perspective on the value of Chinese investments in their countries and largely avoiding new strategic relationships, which could affect their ties with the United States.

    Latin America’s economy is also about more than an aging industrial base and commodity exports. The early months of the Covid pandemic demonstrated the extent to which major corporations and economic sectors inside the United States depend on a sophisticated supply chain with Mexico that supports electronics, defense firms, pharmaceutical companies, and the automobile and aircraft industries. Latin American multinational firms like America Movil, Argentina’s Mercado Libre, Brazil’s Nubank, and Colombia’s Rappi are increasingly competitive in the global digital economy. InBrazil was third worldwide in the number of its companies that reached unicorn status (valued at $1 billion or more), after the United States and China. Latin America’s banking sector is solid and the fastest growing in the world. The region’s mining, energy, and agricultural companies like Chile’s copper giant Codelco, Colombia’s Ecopetrol, and Brazil’s meat and poultry producer JBS continue to modernize their operations and compete globally. 

    In the economic sphere, the image of an insular Latin America dependent primarily on the United States and commodity exports has given way to an increasingly dynamic continent integrating on a global scale.

    Social indices are also dramatically improved from where they stood 20 years ago, although there is still a long ways to go. Tens of millions of people have been lifted out of poverty, tens of millions more are middle-class, and social service systems are more efficient than in the past. Chile’s impressive ability to roll out its Covid vaccine program, and Brazil’s success in providing economic assistance to most of the country’s population during the pandemic are cases in point. Latin America is the developing world’s region with the highest percentage of students in tertiary education. The social protests ofwhile the product of the long-standing income, gender, and employment inequalities that the region must still address, also reflected in part the rising expectations. Societies, in many ways, have outgrown the political leadership of their countries.

    This progress does not necessarily have to be wiped away by the Where is latin america crisis, despite the suggestions that the pandemic has set the region back mills v board of education of the district of columbia years. Governments largely responded promptly with effective macroeconomic policies to the economic downturn in They are pursuing short-term strategies that will attempt to sustain income support for households and social spending while gradually reducing deficits in These policies are in line with those of the United States and Europe, and with recommended strategies by the International Monetary Fund. 

    Moreover, some of the projections by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for the region in the depth of the pandemic were wrong. Brazil was projected to decline 9 percent; it ended at minus percent, below the percent contraction worldwide, and its extreme poverty indices fell. Mexico, which was projected in January by the World Bank to grow just percent in is now looking at percent. Ecuador, projected by the IMF to shrink percent, in has a revised figure of percent. Peru’s economy may grow close to 10 percent inerasing most of last year’s sharp contraction. Thanks to expansionary policies to cushion the blow of the pandemic, there is at least the possibility that most Latin American countries can resume a growth trajectory that reduces high unemployment levels more quickly than anticipated. The region is now on course to rebound more strongly than the Middle East, emerging Eastern European markets, and sub-Saharan Africa, according to the IMF. 

    As Brian Winter, editor of the Americas Quarterly, has pointed out, the talk of a “lost decade” was also prevalent at the turn of the century, just before the dramatic takeoff in the s that transformed so many regional economies and societies. It is therefore not a given that tens of millions of Latin Americans will again return to long-term poverty post-pandemic. Much will depend on what policies regional governments pursue going forward.

    The Biden Administration’s Post-Covid Opportunity

    As the Biden administration begins its engagement with the region, it’s important to take this wider perspective into account. Notwithstanding the social and economic fault lines exposed by the Covid pandemic, the deepening governance issues of the Northern Triangle countries, the continuing crisis in Venezuela, and the rise of populism, Latin America is better equipped to respond to these challenges than in past crises.

    Moreover, regional governments are moving forward: they speak about learning from the mistakes ofmodernizing social services, improving educational and employment opportunities for the next generation, and restoring growth in the post-pandemic world. They are not, for farmers national bank prophetstown most part, looking to the United States to lead them out of the Covid pandemic but would welcome a partner in meeting the twenty-first challenges they face. A new Atlantic Council strategy paper on the post-Covid recovery of Latin America and the Caribbean presents a detailed menu of policies that could provide the basis for that partnership.

    Regional priorities and the stated objectives of the new U.S. administration do overlap. Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s March 3 speech on “A Foreign Policy for the American People” included a vision for engagement with the Western Hemisphere “based on principles of mutual respect and equality and a commitment to economic prosperity, security, human rights, and dignity.” His words echo President Biden’s long-standing commitment to “a shared vision of a hemisphere that is secure, middle class, and democratic.” The question is how to achieve it.

    A Way Forward at the Summit of the Americas

    It is inevitable that the United States will continue to focus on regional issues that have a strong domestic political component. The door is open, however, to a broader policy focus which can begin with the preparation for the Summit of the Americas. The Biden administration could emphasize responding to the changing global economic landscape, meeting the environmental challenges of the twenty-first century, improving social inclusion and people-to-people connectivity, and developing a new dialogue on governance that embraces the diversity of the region. Doing so would still allow for our bilateral concerns to be addressed, but, critically, Latin America’s priorities would feature as well.

    With this perspective in mind, the following are suggested themes for the Summit of the Americas:

    Economic Growth

    Economic growth is the single most pressing issue for Latin American countries because it has the highest likelihood of providing resources to improve social conditions and inclusion for their populations. The regional slowdown began with the end of the commodity boom in but was compounded by the impact of the Covid pandemic. The region has managed the macroeconomic challenges of the downturn, but the pandemic has underscored the persistence of long-term structural weaknesses that must be addressed to prevent increasing or politically destabilizing social tensions and inequalities.

    The Summit of the Americas could be used as the platform to launch a twenty-first-century vision of hemispheric prosperity. The latter could be symbolized with a political commitment by the United States to work with other shareholders to increase the capitalization of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) from $12 billion a year to $20 billion or more a year as the IDB has requested. 

    The IDB has two virtues: Its objective is to help integrate the large informal sector that provides uncertain employment to more than 50 percent of the workforce in Latin America. Second, the IDB can act as a catalyst to help mobilize the tens of billions in annual investments how to close account td bank modernize infrastructure, upgrade to 5G and new digital technologies, and trigger a “green” transformation of Latin America’s economies. 

    It helps that the United States is focused on large-scale transformation of its own economy, and that it is looking for synergies in the hemisphere that can propel growth. The Biden administration could also direct the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (DFC) to be less political in its approach to the region (as it was with the recent loan to Ecuador to repay Chinese debt) and focus instead on increasing its strategic commitments to investments in the rabobank secure login Latin American economy in concert with the IDB.

    Regional Economic Integration

    There is another reason to focus on economic growth. The pandemic exposed the vulnerabilities for the United States of world supply chains in Asia that are distant and conversely highlighted the value of the geographical proximity of Canada and Mexico. Near-shoring production in Latin America and re-shoring factories to the United States are now the buzzwords of the day. As objectives, they may be more difficult to achieve than aspire to, but they nonetheless provide a framework for a strategic collaboration that leads to closer Western Hemispheric integration, benefits Latin American economies, and helps address a key national economic security concern of the United States.

    There is also the issue of how to respond to China’s increasing investment and trade with the region. While Latin America’s reliance on China is less than sometimes suggested (sovereign lending is in decline, for example), the fact is the debate in the region on the dangers of over-dependence on China could be sharpened. The region, however, like other parts united healthcare greensboro nc phone number the world, is not looking to choose between China and the United States but may be open to dialogue. President Biden’s challenge to European allies at the virtual Munich Security Conference this past February to agree on a common approach to China can i buy fractional shares on td ameritrade also be made at the Summit of the Americas.

    Finally, the concept of reviving hemispheric trade talks as proposed by Eric Farnsworth, vice president of the Council of the Americas, and now also by the Atlantic Council report should also be on the table. While a formal free-trade area tcf bank phone number near me the Americas may be beyond reach, the multiplicity of bilateral and regional trade agreements with the outside world makes clear that there is widespread awareness in Latin America of the virtues of more open economic ties in the hemisphere.

    The Hemispheric Green and Digital Revolutions

    Addressing climate change and energy efficiencies are key objectives of the Biden administration. They are also objectives of many Latin American countries. Even the most cautious regional governments largely stuck to their commitment to the Paris Climate Agreement. Regionally, the Escazú initiative, which has the support of more than a dozen governments in the Caribbean and South America, seeks to establish a regional set of principles for protecting the environment. President Duque of Colombia wants to accelerate his country’s shift to renewable energies. Countries such as Colombia, Peru, Ecuador, Bolivia, and Brazil have a strong stake in reversing the ravages of the Amazon. The countries of the Caribbean and Central America have suffered the effects of extreme climate more than most. Brazil and Colombia already generate much of their energy from hydroelectricity, with Brazil, the second-largest producer in the world.

    The summit of the Americas is, therefore, ripe for a major regional commitment to addressing climate change concerns and energy efficiencies. The United States could propose like-minded governments in the region to share experiences and work together on next-generation green technologies. The initiatives can include debt relief and climate change mitigation investments for the smaller and more exposed economies in the Caribbean and Central America as proposed by the IDB.

    There is also scope for addressing the digitalization of world economies and of government services. Rather than make the discussion about China’s cybersecurity threat to 5G systems—though many Latin American governments intend to allow Huawei to be part of the bidding process—it should be about opportunities going forward. A first step would be to have as many hemispheric countries as possible commit to joining the discussion on global technology governance.

    People-to-People Agendas for the Twenty-First Century

    There are three areas where the summit could highlight issues that impact the daily lives and wellbeing of tens of millions of people in Latin America and the United States: migration, health, and education. 

    The Biden administration has already begun a radical overhaul on migration, emphasizing the importance of a humane policy for migrants, asylum seekers, and refugees. As apprehensions along the United States-Mexico border again hit historic highs, Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas of the Department of Homeland Security has indicated he is prepared to work with regional countries as well as inside the United States.

    The Biden administration has also announced its intention to launch a $4 billion assistance program to help especially the countries of El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala address the root causes of migration. It is not only the United States, however, that faces the challenge of migration flows. Nicaraguans cross into Costa Rica looking for better opportunities; migration to Brazil, Argentina, and Chile from neighboring countries is significant, and Venezuelans are present throughout South America. 

    A hemispheric discussion on lessons learned and a path forward on migration, borders, and transnational cooperation on humanitarian response may be a challenge but is overdue—especially one not solely premised on U.S.-centric concerns about the border with Mexico. The summit provides the forum for such discussions.

    A second area of focus can i buy fractional shares on td ameritrade be health. The Covid pandemic has underscored, as rarely before, the inequities in hemispheric capacities to respond to health crises. The recent appeal by President López Obrador of Mexico to the United States to share vaccines is part of a broader global debate on whether richer countries have a responsibility to do more to assist internationally.

    Latin American governments are caught somewhat in the middle of the global experience, with some countries contracting to produce their own vaccines (Brazil) or having in place service delivery systems that are working (Chile). The larger issue revealed by the outsize impact of the pandemic in Latin America is the structural weaknesses of health systems that had seemed to be improving in recent years. As the region moves into a post-pandemic response, it is vital that better systems are in place for the next health crisis.

    A hemispheric discussion on lessons learned and a path forward on migration, borders, and transnational cooperation on humanitarian response may be a challenge but is overdue—especially one not solely premised on U.S.-centric concerns about the border with Mexico.

    The Biden administration previously stated it wants a better level of international cooperation going forward. The summit is the place to spell out a multi-year commitment for the region, building on the already significant historical cooperation with Brazilian research institutions on the Zika virus and HIV/AIDS, with Peru on tropical diseases, and with farmers state bank cedar rapids Pan American Health Organization on dengue and malaria. The United States could encourage joint ventures to increase production and the availability of vaccines in the region as proposed by Michael Shifter, president of the Inter-American Dialogue, and the Atlantic Council study. Doing so would also provide a counterpoint to the vaccine diplomacy by China and Russia.

    Education in the region has been ravaged by Covid, with millions commercial property for sale florida disadvantaged children denied physical and virtual classrooms. While much of the rebuilding will have to be done by Latin American governments themselves, the summit provides an opportunity for the United States to reaffirm its commitment to regional education cooperation. In particular, the opportunities to expand cooperation in tertiary education are significant. While the enrollment of new international students from around the world in U.S. universities has been in decline in recent years, the absolute numbers of Latin American students is smaller than it should be given the potential. Only Brazil and Mexico break into the top 10 nations with students studying in the United States with about 16, and 15, respectively, compared tofrom India and 52, from South Korea. 

    With educational opportunities now a front-burner issue for many Latin American countries, it should be possible to use the summit to expand exchange programs and to reinvigorate the Obama presidency’sStrong in the Americas initiative on higher education partnerships and exchanges, and reach the enrollment goals first set in

    The Covid pandemic has underscored, as rarely before, the inequities in hemispheric capacities to respond where is latin america health crises.

    Democracy and Venezuela

    Strengthening hemispheric democracy and institutions is a staple of summit declarations and a central U.S. objective. Now that the United States faces its own internal challenges on democracy, as Secretary Blinken noted in his March 3 speech, the question has become “how we will support democracy.” The Northern Triangle countries of Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras are facing major governance challenges with no easy solutions at hand. The Wilson Center study on the impact of U.S. assistance to those countries makes that clear. Moreover, the complex mosaic of democratically elected regional populist governments on the left and right is less susceptible to outside pressures, and political space is being narrowed in some countries. 

    Given the scale of political fragmentation and differentiation in the region at this moment, there are three areas where the United States could focus discussion at the summit. Civil society actors have become key drivers of reform and the voice of rule of law in countries where governmental institutions are being weakened and corruption is a serious problem. They urgently need more international support and resources to be effective, as the Biden plan for Central America recognizes. Second, the regional multilateral mechanisms, which historically have supported democracy, also need to be revitalized. These include the Inter-American Democratic Charter, the Organization of American States, and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. The Biden administration’s proposal for an early global democracy summit should include as many Latin American countries as possible. Third, a longer-term review of counter-narcotics strategies in concert with our regional partners, as suggested by the Western Hemisphere Drug Policy Commission, could help strengthen rule of law throughout the region.

    The collapse of Venezuela also looms large for an eventual summit. This is not the place to debate the policy approach to be adopted, and the region is less unified than before on how to respond to what looks like a protracted crisis. The summit nonetheless offers a crescom bank routing number north carolina stage to the like-minded nations of the region to reinforce their commitment to a democratic transition in Venezuela.

    There is one other practical step the United States could take: increase humanitarian assistance to the Venezuelan migrant population in the region. The U.S. government’s response was just over $ million in FY for more than five million persons who have left the country. In comparison, the U.S. government committed over $ billion to displaced populations in the Syrian conflict in the same period. 

    The disparity is difficult to explain. The destabilizing political and economic impact of the exodus from Venezuela on regional countries is substantial: Colombia hosts almost two million, or almost 4 percent of its population. The equivalent for the United States would be over eight million migrants. A social and political backlash is building in host nations as domestic social needs go unmet. The summit offers an opportunity to recognize the protracted nature of the Venezuelan conflict and for the United States to express solidarity with the migrants and the countries that host them by announcing a significant increase in its contributions to the UN agencies responding to the crisis.


    The preceding may seem an overly ambitious agenda. A failure to reach, however, risks leaving U.S.-Latin America relations adrift at a historical moment when our influence can no longer be taken for granted; when there are significant economic, social, and political pressures on regional governments; and when China is offering a competitive vision on economic development and global cooperation. It does not seem too much to ask that U.S.-Latin America relations be placed on a more strategic footing as early as possible—just as the administration is doing with parts of the world much further removed from our shores.

    More generally, there may be criticism that the suggested resource commitment to the region is too large. Too large compared to what? The United States spends tens of billions of dollars in conflicts with much less direct impact on the lives of ordinary Americans than the Northern Triangle nations. The total cost of funding Customs and Border Protection (CBP) and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) has nearly tripled since to more than $25 billion. In short, the resources can be identified, and better spent, if the region is prioritized.

    The headlines of the past few weeks on the migration crisis and Central America point the way to the default policy position. They play to fears in the United States of a fragile and threatening region on its border that must be managed and contained. They reinforce an approach that sees Latin America as a set of problems to be solved, rather than opportunities to be grasped.

    There is the other way proposed in this paper: Washington can reset the agenda and work with Latin America to meet regional twenty-first-century challenges, without abandoning the legitimate national security concerns of the United States. It is our choice whether to make that reset reality.

    P. Michael McKinley is a non-resident senior adviser with the Americas Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C.

    This report was made possible by general support to CSIS. No external funding contributed to this report.

    This report is produced by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a private, tax-exempt institution focusing on international public policy issues. Its research is nonpartisan and nonproprietary. CSIS does not take specific policy positions. Accordingly, all views, positions, and conclusions expressed in this publication should be understood to be solely those of the author(s).

    © by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. All rights reserved.

    E. R. Billings.

    British Dictionary definitions for Latin America


    those areas of America whose official languages are Spanish and Portuguese, derived from Latin: South America, Central America, Mexico, and certain islands in the Caribbean

    Collins English Dictionary - Complete & Unabridged Digital Edition © William Collins Sons & Co. Ltd.© HarperCollins Publishers,,

    Cultural definitions for Latin America

    A term applied to all of the Spanish- or Portuguese-speaking nations south of the United States.

    The New Dictionary of Cultural Literacy, Third Edition Copyright © by Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company. Published by Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company. All rights reserved.

    Источник: January 8,

    Latin America - Statistics & Facts

    Published by Aaron O&#;Neill, Apr 22,
    Latin America comprises around 20 countries, which can be subdivided into where is latin america regions based on their geographical position: North America, Central America, the Caribbean and South America. As ofLatin America accounts for about percent of the global population, and is home to million inhabitants - less than Europe, by the way, despite its larger geographical area spanning from Mexico to Cape Horn. The predominant languages spoken in Latin American countries are Spanish and Portuguese.

    Tourism represents one of the primary contributors to Latin America’s GDP. The region’s aggregated gross domestic product amounted to approximately trillion U.S. dollars inand tourism and travel industry contributed almost billion U.S. dollars that year. Total GDP generated by the Latin American travel and tourism industry is expected to rise to around billion U.S. dollars by Regarding inflation, Latin America is wedged as an average between the EU and all other regions of the world.

    Inpeople living in Latin America had a quite high average life expectancy at birth, one of the highest life expectancies at birth in the world. Regions bank 24 hour number, substantial differences in the population figures can be observed across the countries. They are a direct result of variations in fertility levels and health care provisions. Recently, Latin America was among the major areas of the world where a high adolescence birth rate was observed; today, one of the major health risks Latin American countries are facing is where is latin america infection with the Zika virus, which can pose serious health problems for mothers and their new-borns.

    Additionally, Latin America is one of the regions with the highest crime rates worldwide. Out of the world's 50 most violent cities, 41 are in Latin America alone – the highest homicide rate being found in Caracas, Venezuela, with about homicides perresidents as of The violence and the nature of these crimes can be mainly attributed to drug trafficking, gang warfare and political instability.

    This text provides general information. Statista assumes no liability for the information given being complete or correct. Due to varying update cycles, statistics can display more up-to-date data than referenced in the text.

    Key figures

    The most important dollarbank com figures provide you with a compact summary of the topic of "Latin America" and take you straight to the corresponding statistics.

    Interesting statistics

    In the following 23 chapters, you will quickly find the most important statistics relating to "Latin America".

    Erwin E. Klaas

  • Her eldest daughter married in America, and was well known as a modeller in wax in New York.

    Women in the fine arts, from the Seventh Century B.C. to the Twentieth Century A.D.

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